Showing posts with label RIB: Syncretism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label RIB: Syncretism. Show all posts

Monday, 2 June 2008

Santos

"A discussão acerca da pluralidade de crenças se deu porque, durante o trabalho de campo, observei a existência de rezadeiras informantes que comungavam de religiões aparentemente contrárias à religião católica, ou seja, rezadeiras evangélicas que se afirmavam também com sendo católicas e uma rezadeira adepta do culto da jurema que também se dizia ser adepta da religião católica."1


"Em Cruzeta, a população, para se referir a um adepto evangélico trata-o por crente. Isso não foi, porém, o que aconteceu com uma das rezadeiras evangélicas. Ao mesmo tempo, em que ela freqüentava uma determinada igreja pentecostal, ela não concordava com a forma de tratamento destinado aos santos católicos e à Nossa Senhora pelos crentes. Continua, mesmo assim, rezando as pessoas."2


influence of Frei Damiao...a popular "saint" amongst the rezadeiras.3


In the case of the evangelical rezadeira TV (esp. Show da Fe) more significant than churchgoing, hence many Catholic beliefs remain.4


suggests that these rezadeiras exist in a blurred border region between religions; criticisms from those closer to the "core" element. 5

1F Santos, “O caso das rezadeiras evangélicas: uma breve reflexão sobre as práticas terapêuticas e a comunhão de crenças entre as rezadeiras de Cruzeta (RN),” Protestantismo em Revista6:2 (2007), http://200.248.235.130/nepp/revista/013/13francimario.htm.

2F Santos, “O caso das rezadeiras evangélicas: uma breve reflexão sobre as práticas terapêuticas e a comunhão de crenças entre as rezadeiras de Cruzeta (RN),” Protestantismo em Revista6:2 (2007), http://200.248.235.130/nepp/revista/013/13francimario.htm.

3F Santos, “O caso das rezadeiras evangélicas: uma breve reflexão sobre as práticas terapêuticas e a comunhão de crenças entre as rezadeiras de Cruzeta (RN),” Protestantismo em Revista6:2 (2007), http://200.248.235.130/nepp/revista/013/13francimario.htm.

4F Santos, “O caso das rezadeiras evangélicas: uma breve reflexão sobre as práticas terapêuticas e a comunhão de crenças entre as rezadeiras de Cruzeta (RN),” Protestantismo em Revista6:2 (2007), http://200.248.235.130/nepp/revista/013/13francimario.htm.

5F Santos, “O caso das rezadeiras evangélicas: uma breve reflexão sobre as práticas terapêuticas e a comunhão de crenças entre as rezadeiras de Cruzeta (RN),” Protestantismo em Revista6:2 (2007), http://200.248.235.130/nepp/revista/013/13francimario.htm.

Sanchez

"Há em curso nas sociedades latinas uma hibridação, ou seja, um processo que mescla estilos, influências, linguagens de comunicação, etnias, tradições de classes e mercados." 1(33)

factors 1) urbanization 2) conventional media 3) new media2 (33)

rather than an enormous anonymous mass, city should be regarded as an "emaranhado de grupos urbanos e sociais, vinculados pelos meios de comunicação." 3(33)


"Sanchis afirma que há um trânsito entre duas culturas presentes na sociogênese da nação brasileira, uma tradicional, católica-afro-brasileira, e uma moderna, da escolha individual e de identidades exclusivas." 4(34)


Divisions & subdivisions of Brazilian Religion

1. Christian

1.1 Catholic

1.1.1 Popular

1.1.2 Progressive (CEBs)

1.1.3 Conservative (TFP)

1.1.4 Charismatic

1.2 Protestant

1.2.1 Imigration (lutheran)

1.2.2 Mission (methodist)

1.2.3 Pentecostal (AoG)

1.2.4 Neopentecostal (IURD)

2. Afro-Brazilian

2.1 C&omble

2.2 Umb&a

3. Spiritist

4. Eastern Religion

5. New Age

5 (35)


reference to the significance of the cult of saints despite efforts by the Catholic hierarchy to control it 6(36)

1E Silveira & E Crochet, “Modernidade(s) e Religião: Rupturas, Permanências e Combinações,” Sociedade e Cultura 9:1 (2006): 27-38, 33.

2E Silveira & E Crochet, “Modernidade(s) e Religião: Rupturas, Permanências e Combinações,” Sociedade e Cultura 9:1 (2006): 27-38, 33.

3E Silveira & E Crochet, “Modernidade(s) e Religião: Rupturas, Permanências e Combinações,” Sociedade e Cultura 9:1 (2006): 27-38, 33.

4E Silveira & E Crochet, “Modernidade(s) e Religião: Rupturas, Permanências e Combinações,” Sociedade e Cultura 9:1 (2006): 27-38, 34.

5E Silveira & E Crochet, “Modernidade(s) e Religião: Rupturas, Permanências e Combinações,” Sociedade e Cultura 9:1 (2006): 27-38, 35.

6E Silveira & E Crochet, “Modernidade(s) e Religião: Rupturas, Permanências e Combinações,” Sociedade e Cultura 9:1 (2006): 27-38, 36.

SLater

Spiritism not only a reality in urban areas but also a “potent metaphor for the perceived capriciousness of urban experience.”1

Padre Cicero, resistance to RCC hierarchy, ultimate symbol of the present-day interior.2

Images of Padre Cicero in terreiros, spirit invoked in ceremonies.3

Amongst the 20,000 of the community being researched, 2 per cent identify themselves as spiritist or ABR adherent, but 30 per cent have participated in terreiro activities.4

Stories representing Padre Cicero as a medium or claiming that his spirit communicates through mediuns.5

Stories telling of opposition between Padre Cicero and ABR religion, often in the form of curses and punishment.6

Pentecostal rejection of Padre Cicero devotion.7

Padre Cicero devotion: fidelityreward; infidelitypunishment (605-606)8

1C Slater, ‘A Backlands Saint in the Big City: Urban Transformations of the Padre Cicero Tales’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 33:3 (1991), 588-610, 589.

2 C Slater, ‘A Backlands Saint in the Big City: Urban Transformations of the Padre Cicero Tales’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 33:3 (1991), 588-610, 589-590.

3 C Slater, ‘A Backlands Saint in the Big City: Urban Transformations of the Padre Cicero Tales’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 33:3 (1991), 588-610, 592.

4 C Slater, ‘A Backlands Saint in the Big City: Urban Transformations of the Padre Cicero Tales’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 33:3 (1991), 588-610, 593.

5 C Slater, ‘A Backlands Saint in the Big City: Urban Transformations of the Padre Cicero Tales’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 33:3 (1991), 588-610, 593–600.

6 C Slater, ‘A Backlands Saint in the Big City: Urban Transformations of the Padre Cicero Tales’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 33:3 (1991), 588-610, 600–604.

7 C Slater, ‘A Backlands Saint in the Big City: Urban Transformations of the Padre Cicero Tales’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 33:3 (1991), 588-610, 605.

8 C Slater, ‘A Backlands Saint in the Big City: Urban Transformations of the Padre Cicero Tales’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 33:3 (1991), 588-610, 605–606.

Smith and Campos

"Perhaps the most influential American televangelists in Brazil have been Jimmy Swaggart, Pat Robertson and Rex Humbard." 1(56)

Swaggart the most significant due to the local support he received from the Assemblies of God 2(56)

o

difficulty for local evangelicals to get resources available for the use of TV media 3(57) Fanini as one of the pioneers in this sense, relationship with then president Figueredo getting him the concession of the Channel 13 in Rio de Janiero for fifteen years from 1983, but unable to muster resources to support this so that: "Fanini's ambitious project stalleD Some years later, beset with debts, he sold his 75% share of Radiodifusao Eheneser Ltd to Edir Macedo, founder and bishop of the Universal Church of the Reign of God (IURD)." 4(57)

o

"Edir Macedo understood early on that Evangelicals would not become major players in Brazilian television until they achieved the financial freedom to be able to make major investments in technology and television licenses. A former member of The New Life Church and a former employee of Rio de Janeiro's state lottery, Macedo began in 1977 to mount his own religious enterprise. " 5(57)


IURD: (1) purchase of Record for $45 million in 1989 and the headquarters and production equipment of TVJovem Pan for $15 million. 6(58)

"Macedo's religious empire includes more than four thousand temples, usually installed in former supermarkets or cinemas, located in large and medium-sized cities throughout the country; he has not been successful in establishing himself in smaller towns. Also included are television and radio stations outside Brazil, the Folha Universal newspaper with a weekly circulation of over 1.5 million, a modern printing plant, a small bank, a tourism business and even a furniture factory that produces benches for his churches."7 (58)

" The services are punctuated by vignettes and jingles that emphasise miracles and attaining concrete results. This message offers solutions to a middle class going through difficult times as well as to the urban poor in search of social ascent." 8(58)

Since 2002, IURD's programming has included rites and imagery taken from Afro-Brazilian religions, especially Umbanda. Macedo frequently stages hybrid exorcisms in which white-robed pastors speak of 'the Father of Lights'. 9(58)

" The screen shows pictures of waterfalls and crashing surf, places intimately tied to African religious traditions. Such discourse provides both explicit and subliminal associations to Afro-Brazilian worship." (58)

"The IURD appropriates and markets a wide variety of religious symbols including holy water, salt, anointing oil, bread and wine, sacred stones, blessed flowers and sacred robes. In addition to borrowing from Afro-Brazilian religious discourse, IURD spectacles incorporate elements of Brazilian Catholicism, Protestantism, and Kardecist Spiritism. These relics are transformed by the touch of the IURD's 'consecrated men of God' into 'blessed means of salvation and healing' and bring 'the heavenly future' to the 'blessed present' while inviting viewers to come to the 'addresses of happiness'. "10(58)

"Key to the IURD's success has been the creation of a highly centralised network of temples, essentially religious franchises, capable of generating a large and reliable flow of cash. Effective resource management has given Macedo the freedom to be able to finance any acquisition or transaction at any time by always having at his disposal at least $5 million in cash." 11(59)

o

"After splitting with Macedo in 1980, his brother-in-law, R.R. Soares, created the first IURD clone, the International Church of God's Grace (IIGD)."12 (59)

"Soares decided on a two-track strategy, negotiating a volume discount for primetime access with Rede Bandeirantes while simultaneously pursuing financial resources to be able to buy his own television channel."13 (59)

Brief reference to the Hernandes and Renascer em Cristo

o

tension between the complexity of religious phenomena and the simplified message demanded by television media "Thus, the earliest producers of evangelistic messages for the electronic media came to conceive of religious conversion in simplified, individualistic terms as demanded by the principles of marketing (Smith, 1990: 296). The great innovation of the Neo-Pentecostal media preachers has been to simplify the message even further, eliminating doctrine and reducing the message to a commercial transaction of symbolic goods." 14(61)

"Confronted with disenchantment, it is not surprising that the televised events and speech found in Latin Americas electronic church, can re-enchant the world and are increasingly popular."15 (61)

o

"The electronic media provide a venue for the approximation between Temple and Marketplace." 16(62)

o

"A new generation of religious entrepreneurs has understood how to tap into the collective spiritual resources of the region, package them in drama, and cloak them in authority and mystery Then they offer them to a populace often wrestling for survival, mired in permanent crisis and

hungry for meaning, hope and a sense of transcendence." 17(62)

"Today it is common to find people in both Brazil and urban Latin America who simultaneously consume televised religious spectacles offered by the megachurches, use amulets or crystals derived from New Age spirituality, seek alternative healing from traditional healers, and consult with Spiritists for orientation in cases of personal crisis. Meanwhile, the traditional churches are losing their historic monopoly on dispensing sacraments, especially as these systems for marketing new spiritualities and mediated symbolic spaces become broadly available. Simultaneously, the power of the traditional churches to stigmatise 'unorthodox' religious belief and practice has been weakened."18 (62)

1D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 56.

2D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 56.

3D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 57.

4D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 57.

5D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 57.

6D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 58.

7D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 58.

8D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 58.

9D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 58.

10D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 58.

11D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 59.

12D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 59.

13D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 59.

14D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 61.

15D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 61.

16D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 62.

17D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 62.

18D Smith & LS Campos, ' Christianity and Television in Guatemala and Brazil: The Pentecostal Experience', Studies in World Christianity 11:1 (2005), 4964, 62.

SOuza et al

claim that recent indicators point to a decline in the role of religion in Brazilian society, yet everywhere religious institutions seem to multiply.1


AF Pierucci, “Secularização e declíni do catolicismo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 1321.


Makes the point that any traditional majority religion in a society which is modernizing is bound to lose followers.2

Sociology of Religion in Brazil= Sociology of the decline of Catholicism.3 Consequence of Brazil becoming a freer more plural society.4

Despite all the changes still 125 million out of a 175 million Brazilians declare themselves to be Catholics.5

Is impressed by those who refuse to submit to any religious authority and do not link to any religious institution, considering it “a melhor parte da historia.”6


MJ Rosado-Nunes, “O Catolicismo sob o escrutínio da modernidade” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 2236.


1960s -1980s “A Igreja Católica parecia ... à época, afinada com a sociedade brasileira e seus anseios democráticos e de justiça social.”7

Points to the significance of civil society developing its own institutions and no longer needing the RCC as its spokesman.8

claims that with the re-emergence of more conservative bishops the church becomes non-aligned with society.9

claims that sexuality and the role of women are two serious issues faced by the RCC in the 21st century.10

Since colonial period Brazilian catholicism popular, syncretic, distant from the European, Roman Church. “Aqui a mistura de elementos religiosos indígenas e africanas aos rituais , à simbologia e à doutrina católicas, associada à escassez de clero, à ausência de uma catequese e educação religiosa mais formalizadas... um catolicismo “tropical” ou “popular”.”11

Brazilian history confuses itself with the implementation of Catholicism so that for a long time to be a Brazilian was to be a Catholic. This identification being challenged by religious pluralism.12

Catholic church now is open to criticism, with faithful less subject to authoritarian discourse. Church deals with this by distancing itself from modernity and assuming a “prophetic” role.13


EJ Brito, “A Agonia de um Modelo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 3746.


claims that female liberation has yet to reach the RCC.14

claims that Catholic parishes are starting to recover the CEBs.15

1BM de Souza & LMS Martino, “Prefácio” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 710, 7.

2AF Pierucci, “Secularização e declíni do catolicismo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 1321, 14.

3AF Pierucci, “Secularização e declíni do catolicismo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 1321, 14.

4AF Pierucci, “Secularização e declíni do catolicismo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 1321, 15.

5AF Pierucci, “Secularização e declíni do catolicismo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 1321, 16.

6AF Pierucci, “Secularização e declíni do catolicismo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 1321, 17.

7MJ Rosado-Nunes, “O Catolicismo sob o escrutínio da modernidade” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 2236, 23

8MJ Rosado-Nunes, “O Catolicismo sob o escrutínio da modernidade” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 2236, 23.

9MJ Rosado-Nunes, “O Catolicismo sob o escrutínio da modernidade” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 2236, 2324.

10MJ Rosado-Nunes, “O Catolicismo sob o escrutínio da modernidade” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 2236, 2728.

11MJ Rosado-Nunes, “O Catolicismo sob o escrutínio da modernidade” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 2236, 28.

12MJ Rosado-Nunes, “O Catolicismo sob o escrutínio da modernidade” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 2236, 29.

13MJ Rosado-Nunes, “O Catolicismo sob o escrutínio da modernidade” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 2236, 33.

14EJ Brito, “A Agonia de um Modelo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 3746, 42.

15EJ Brito, “A Agonia de um Modelo” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 3746, 44.

Johnson

refers to Van Helde's kick--> iconoclast1 (123)


CNBB--> images treated as a hermeneutic mnemonic device2 (123)


Africaness--> awareness of the deep knowledge of the "double-faced pantheon."3 (125)


4Nossa Senhora Aparecida--> image of Virgin Mary as a National Face (125)


"In Brazil, Nossa Senhora Aparecida bears within her not only the issue of religion in the public space and the "problem"... of her public appearance in a country where religion is constitutionally disestablished in the public sphere, but also the issue of race and the ritualized face of Afro-Brazilians."5 (125)


NSA--> always dark brown until recently regarded as black. (points out in note 10 that in Brazil negro is preffered term to preto)6 (125)


"discovery" of Aparecida statue in 1717 7(125-127)


1822 NSA made patron saint of Brazil. Provide a distinct identiy from Portuguese crown. Sanctioned by Vatican in 19308 (127)


Vargas promotion of Catholicism and NSA iconic colour seen to promote the myth of 3 races...nationalised by construction of Basilica9 (127-128)


NSA made highest general of Brazilian Army---virgin face of "Catholic Brazil" rather than the church10 (129)


1980 October 12 made national holiday to coincide with JP II visit11 (129)


claims SVH incident as "an attempt to redefine public space in the nation as a whole."12 (129)


"neo-Pentecostal groups...have seen icons as symbolic sites to contest the notion of a Catholic Brazil."13 (130)


SVH sought to link image with Biblical injunction against idolatry--footnotes SVH claim that he touched rather than hit the icon; protest against NSA holiday; part of a conflict between Globo and Record Network14 (131)


Macedo's claim that Globo had previously desecrated the Bible15 (132)


Role of Globo in massifying the event, strategy to present Record/IURD as foreign16 (132)


SVH demoted 17(132)


IURD: criticised SVH but maintained principle: 1) icons evil 2) Catholics not real Christians 3) Brazil should not celebrate Catholic holidays18 (133)


violent backlash against IURD and fervour for the virgin19 (133)


refers to the surprising alliance between the RCC and ABR as part of a celebration of the anniversary of Zumbi around NSA who became black.20 (135-138) surprising because the virgin "represented the face of the enslaving (the colony) and then the policing (the Monarchy, the Republic) state." 21(137)

1P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 123

2P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 123.

3P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 125.

4P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 125.

5P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 125.

6P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 125.

7P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 125127.

8P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 127.

9P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 127128.

10P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 129.

11P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 129.

12P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 129.

13P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 130.

14P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 131.

15P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 132.

16P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 132.

17P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 132.

18P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 133.

19P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 133.

20P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 135138.

21P Johnson, “Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War,” History of Religions 37:2 (1997), 122140, 137.

Wednesday, 28 May 2008

Corten

"Os movimentos religiosos do tipo pentecostal são um fenômeno dos mais importantes dos últimos vinte anos, tanto na América Latina quanto na África subsaariana (Cox, 1995). Circulam, através das fronteiras, fórmulas e rituais: aleluia, milagre, libertação dos demônios, bênção. Eles circulam através de redes e de mídias transnacionais, mas circulam também por meio de uma multiplicidade de pontos que atravessam frequentemente as fronteiras de uma maneira menos global, mas não menos concreta (Corten; Marshall-Fratani, 2000). Estas fórmulas e estes rituais compõem as chaves da tradução dos imaginários políticos uns nos outros."1 (152)


" Os movimentos religiosos do tipo pentecostal possuem uma linguagem de louvor, de entusiasmo e de descontração contrária à linguagem de sacrifício, de obrigação e de seriedade frequentes na concepção tradicional do cristianismo. A reza é um lazer e não uma tarefa. A adoração é um prazer antes de ser um dever. Nesta linguagem, podemos observar uma sintaxe diferente da sintaxe do trabalho e do “fazer” do “espírito capitalista”. 2(152)


"Esta linguagem do louvor evolui com a evolução do pentecostalismo. Com a cura divina, o exorcismo e a prosperidade, a linguagem pentecostal continua a expandir o seu trabalho de tradução dos imaginários políticos. A cura divina é comandada por um discurso de abertura (à Jesus) e de louvor." 3(153)


"Com efeito, ao invés de insistir no papel do “fazer” que é a tarefa de espantar os demônios, no discurso pentecostal, somos “libertados”. Estávamos possuídos, nos libertamos. Não há nesta operação transformação de si mesmo; redescobrimos o nosso próprio ser que estava possuído por forças estranhas. Mais globalmente, a guerra espiritual consiste em retomar o que Jesus libertou com a sua morte." 4(153)

o

"Encontramos nesses movimentos ingredientes vindos da “bruxaria”, da devoção católica popular, do discurso moderno sobre a medicina, do gnosticismo modernizado do tipo auto-ajuda, das técnicas de comunicação “de massa”, de organizações burocráticas centralizadas, do marketing político," 5(155)

1A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149160, 152.

2A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149160, 152.

3A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149160, 153.

4A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149160, 153.

5A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149160, 155.

Wednesday, 21 May 2008

Moraes

points to decline and syncretism in the Roman Catholic Church 1(22)

argues that growth of Pentecostalism marks

(1) the religious pluralism emerging in Brazil (2) an increase in the fundamentalism of Brazilian Christianity 2(22)

remarks also on the growth of Charismatic catholicism, Umbanda and New Age spirituality3 (22)

links this with the "decentralised and nominal religiosity of postmodernism"4 (22)

claims that the Brazilian religious heritage leads people to cultural/nominal Christianity; fundamentalism or atheism5 (22-23)


postmodernity "ignite both a quest for the spiritual and a highly individualised culture." (22)

o

claims that the majority of his new members come either from secularism, nominal Catholicism or from African Cults6 (2

1M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 2224, 22.

2M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 2224, 22.

3M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 2224, 22.

4M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 2224, 22.

5M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 2224, 2223.

6M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 2224, 23.

Matviuk

Latin American Pentecostalism consisting mainly of females and young people who on the whole are poor and collectivistically oriented 1(207)

o

"The early Pentecostals of the twentieth century considered themselves as God's end-time people, who by his grace, were 1) saved, 2) sanctified and 3) baptized in the Holy Spirit." 2(208)

Follows Harvey Cox in pointing out 5 main practices 1) experiential spirituality

2) celebrative worship 3) practicality 4) social criticism 5) inclusive community Bernardo Campos re: Latin American Pentecostalism 1) spirituality

2) social protest 3) social change3 (208)

o

"From a communication stand point, it is having people as central that partially accounts for the success of the Pentecostal message."4 (209)

o

Pentecostalism as a popular movement communicates itself in a multicultural and popular way5 (209)

Pentecostalism as folk religion6 (210)

o

Pentecostalism built upon pre-colonial and Catholic concepts of faith being rooted in life and experience. "Therefore Latin American Pentecostalism re-injected sacredness and transcendence of the religious experience...not related to the official religion."7 (211)

o

from the culture Latin American Pentecostalism also take the importance of event. Celebrative worship and communal living. Critique from Protestants of syncretism due to the acceptance of cultural practices earlier protestants had rejected 8(211-213)

o

Pentecostal ritual field "is comprised ritual space, time, objects, sounds and language, identities or roles, and actions, behaviours and gestures which interact and overlap with each other...a drama "aimed toward an encounter" ...iconic dynamic...an interplay of ritual sounds, ritual sights, and kinesthetic. Fellow believers function as sacred icons....a feeling of solidarity arises among the participants creating a special ground for community, influencing the ways in which God is experienced." 9(214)

"personal narratives, create an ethos in communion with the Spirit in which the speaker and the audience become one, reinforcing communal participation and testimony as a peculiarity of Pentecostal liturgy."10 (217)

influence of Black spirituality11 (218)

openness for the participation of women12 (218)

1M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 207.

2M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 208.

3M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 208.

4M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 208.

5M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 209.

6M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 210.

7M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 211.

8M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 21213.

9M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 214.

10M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 217.

11M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 218.

12M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205222, 218.

Marcharg

introduces the growth of evangelicalism in Brazil. Makes the interesting point that accurate statistics are difficult to find because Brazilian families spread across more than one faith group.1 (70)

*

reasons for growth:

(1) focus on evangelism and church planting (2) search for an expressive spirituality

(3) fervour of Pentecostal churches in line with culture2 (70)

*

controversy over worship and renewal 3(71)

*

problems and challenges

(1) leadership training (2) discipline, some churches permissive towards immorality

(3) issue of asking for money (4) syncretism; Brazilians in general very open to all forms of spirituality 4(71-72)

points out the difference between Umbanda style spiritism and the more kardecist and New Age style 5(72)

*

outlines briefly the emergence of the IURD and some of the controversies6 (71)

1K Macharg, 'Brazil's Surging Spirituality', Christianity Today December 04 2000, 7072, 70.

2K Macharg, 'Brazil's Surging Spirituality', Christianity Today December 04 2000, 7072, 70.

3K Macharg, 'Brazil's Surging Spirituality', Christianity Today December 04 2000, 7072, 71.

4K Macharg, 'Brazil's Surging Spirituality', Christianity Today December 04 2000, 7072, 7172.

5K Macharg, 'Brazil's Surging Spirituality', Christianity Today December 04 2000, 7072, 72.

6K Macharg, 'Brazil's Surging Spirituality', Christianity Today December 04 2000, 7072, 71.

Friday, 16 May 2008

Jungblut ctd

traces the genesis of prosperity theology through Quimby, Mary Baker Eddy, William Kenyon, Kenneth Hagin and Kenneth Copeland 1(112-115)


"Como se vê, a Teologia da Prosperidade conservou as características gnósticas presentes naquelas doutrinas que lhe são precursoras em seu desenvolvimento. Reivindicar poderes mágicos ou mentais sobre a realidade física e entender isso como inerente a uma natureza divina que se detém e precisa, por algum tipo de procedimento mental ou religioso, ser recuperada integralmente são ingredientes básicos de qualquer doutrina gnóstica. O que, porém, torna a Teologia da Prosperidade popular no universo evangélico parece não ser tanto os argumentos teológicos que lhe dão sustentação e suas características gnósticas, mas sim as receitas pragmáticas por ela produzidas para a resolução dos problemas do aqui e do agora." 2(115)


"No Brasil, a Teologia da Prosperidade mostra-se presente de duas formas distintas no universo evangélico: como doutrina teológica central de algumas denominações e como crença difusa que pode ser assumida total ou parcialmente por indivíduos isolados, independentemente de serem aceitas ou não pelas denominações a que esses indivíduos pertençam."3 (117)


"No primeiro caso, trata-se de uma presença dessa doutrina em denominações ...“neopentecostais” ...Entre as igrejas que mais se destacam dentro dessa categoria estariam a Igreja de Nova Vida, a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, a Igreja Internacional da Graça de Deus, a Igreja Renascer em Cristo e a Comunidade Evangélica Sara Nossa Terra,... Em algumas dessas igrejas brasileiras fazem-se notar alterações autóctones na forma como essa doutrina é utilizada. Exemplo disso é a utilização de referências a entidades espirituais de religiões afro-brasileiras para nomear, com cores locais, os demônios que obstacularizariam a obtenção de “bênçãos” pelos crentes...Outro aspecto autóctone é a ênfase acentuada que se dá nessas igrejas brasileiras à necessidade de o crente estar obrigado a fazer doações às igrejas para demonstrar sua fé a Deus e assim se habilitar a receber suas “bênçãos”. Esse aspecto de “habilitação através da oferta”, embora não totalmente ausente nos livros dos “profetas da prosperidade” norte-americanos, parece ser mais enfatizado pelos pregadores das igrejas neopentecostais locais do que o é nos Estados Unidos, merecendo inclusive livros que tratam especificamente deste assunto"4 (117-118)


"É verificável, contudo, que um número expressivo de crentes evangélicos mesmo não estando vinculados às igrejas neopentecostais empregam em seus discursos, aberta ou implicitamente, pacífica ou relutantemente, partes ou a totalidade da argumentação teológica contida nessa doutrina para atribuir significados a determinadas práticas, percepções ou posturas experimentadas em seus cotidianos. a Teologia da Prosperidade, mesmo que combatida ferrenhamente por críticos no interior do próprio universo evangélico, parece estar conseguindo através de adoções individualizadas e fragmentadas penetrar e se instalar silenciosamente ao menos naquela cultura evangélica que existe por cima das denominações e que é uma zona de difícil controle eclesiástico. A característica assumida por ela nesse processo de penetração difusa parece ser a de uma “mentalidade” mais do que de uma doutrina teológica estruturada e maciça. ... E é dessa maneira pragmática, “desteologizada”,que podem estar sendo absorvidos princípios da Teologia da Prosperidade. Além disso, como se tratam de livros, ou seja, produtos de consumo individual e que são lidos privadamente, a absorção dos conteúdos se dá longe do controle da congregação e do pastor, o que certamente contribui para uma menor cautela teológica e um maior “reflexivismo individual”, uma maior lliberdade de consciência em relação à “tradição”."5

1AL Jungblut, 'O Evangelho New Age: Sobre a gnose evangélica no Brasil na visão de seus detratores', Civitas 6:2 (2006), 101121, 112115.

2AL Jungblut, 'O Evangelho New Age: Sobre a gnose evangélica no Brasil na visão de seus detratores', Civitas 6:2 (2006), 101121, 115.

3AL Jungblut, 'O Evangelho New Age: Sobre a gnose evangélica no Brasil na visão de seus detratores', Civitas 6:2 (2006), 101121, 117.

4AL Jungblut, 'O Evangelho New Age: Sobre a gnose evangélica no Brasil na visão de seus detratores', Civitas 6:2 (2006), 101121, 117118.

5AL Jungblut, 'O Evangelho New Age: Sobre a gnose evangélica no Brasil na visão de seus detratores', Civitas 6:2 (2006), 101121, 118119.

Wednesday, 14 May 2008

Furre ctd

"Esse quarto despertamento – com prosperidade – surge com um perfil onde falar em línguas é menos importante. A característica é a promessa da fé, a promessa da prosperidade aqui no mundo, com dinheiro, riqueza, uma boa vida material. A fé é o instrumento que torna a pessoa próspera. Deus não gosta de pobreza. Deus quer que você seja rico! É importante exercitar a fé - na IURD e em outras comunidades. Pela fé é possível vencer os espíritos maus. Fe foi um instrumento divino do crente. Com fé a vida pode florescer com dinheiro, sucesso na vida econômica, na família e na saúde."1


"A IURD se estabelece como a igreja dos marginalizados que buscam ali a prosperidade através da fé e exorcismos dos espíritos."2


Suggests tentative links between charismatic religion and pre-Christian African religions 1) authoritarian nature 2) form of liturgy3

1B Furre, “IURD e as ondas carismáticas,” Protestantismo em Revista 5:1 (2006)

2B Furre, “IURD e as ondas carismáticas,” Protestantismo em Revista 5:1 (2006)

3B Furre, “IURD e as ondas carismáticas,” Protestantismo em Revista 5:1 (2006)

Friday, 9 May 2008

bohn ctd

"a maior parte dos membros das igrejas evangélicas advém de estratos sociais de baixa renda...esse perfil dos evangélicos guarda muitas similaridades em relação aos católicos e aos adeptos das religiões afro-brasileiras ...1(297)... se há uma associação entre condições econômicas precárias e filiação à religião evangélica, essa associação...não é exclusiva a essa confissão." 2(298)

same logic applies to those without religion...

"Isso significa que a probabilidade de um indivíduo de renda elevada não ter religião é ligeiramente maior do que a probabilidade de ele ser católico, evangélico, candombleísta ou umbandista- mas é bem menor do que a probabilidade de ele ser praticante do kardecismo. É incorreto, portanto, afirmar que a religiosidade, no Brasil, seja um fenômeno próprio aos segmentos menos privilegiados e que os grupos sociais mais abastados sejam maçicamente sem religião."3 (298)

o

"Quanto maior a renda mensal, menor a probabilidade de uma pessoa ser evangélica; no entanto, se um indivíduo com uma renda elevada optar pela confissão evangélica, a probabilidade de ele ser membro de uma religião não-pentecostal é maior do que ele ser um fiel das denominações pentecostais." 4 (299)

graphs and tables on education and religious affiliation 5(300-302)

claims that though there is a negative relation between evangelical affiliation and education, this is not significantly different from the Catholic case 6(300)

Non-Pentecostals progress further in education than pentecostals 7(301)

greater education progress amongst members of the IURD than other pentecostal churches8 (301)

o

graph showing that evangelical participation is far higher than that in other religions9 (303)

pentecostal participation > non-pentecostal participation 10

1SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 297.

2SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 298.

3SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 298.

4SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 299.

5SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 300302.

6SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 300.

7SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 301.

8SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 301.

9SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 303.

10SR Bohn, 'Evangélicos no Brasil. Perfil sócio-econômico, afinidades ideológicas e determinantes do comportamento eleitoral', Opinião Pública 10:2 (2004), 288338, 304.

Wednesday, 7 May 2008

Boaventura 2

"Os senhores de escravos e os ministros ordenados da Igreja, na época, não sabiam da existência dessas irmandades ou confrarias... reunindo-se e consolidando-se. Impuseram aos escravos o catolicismo português e não lhes era dada a possibilidade de participar ativamente das práticas católicas...Por outro lado era preciso integrá-los, de alguma forma, à religião católica,... Por isso é que as Ordens religiosas começaram a incentivar a devoção a santos negros e a organizar os escravos negros em confrarias dedicadas a esses santos " (65)


racial division of such Catholic institutions meant that the black "confrarias" kept alive many of the aspects of traditional African religion. Syncretism leading to a new Christianity 1(65-67)

o

"Como vimos, houve um choque muito grande de religiosidades. Os negros e negras tinham diante de si, de um lado, a experiência religiosa dos seus pais, fundamentada na vida, e, do outro, dogmas e ritos religiosos católicos os quais deviam seguir, deixando de lado aquilo que lhes pertencia como herança e razão de viver. Naquele processo de evangelização, passam a ser mais importantes a cultura e os costumes dos europeus do que a própria mensagem cristã. A experiência, portanto, que o povo negro vai ter do modelo cristão, nesse período, é de total exclusão num confronto dramático, marcado pela imposição. Para se tornar cristão, era preciso rejeitar toda espécie de “idolatria”, ou seja, tudo aquilo que estivesse ligado às tradições religiosas africanas, o respeito para com os antepassados e práticas religiosas ainda muito presentes na religiosidade popular brasileira."2 (68)



Argues for a poetic/theological continuum between the Black Confrarias and the CEBS, between the black religious experience and liberation theology, does not really show any historical continuum.3 (69-73)

o

Basis of African culture in Brazil

"1 – A Natureza:...2 – Os Antepassados...: 3 – A Festa: 4 – A Dança: ... 5 – A Comida:" 4(83)

o

reflects on the role of the Black Pastoral Agents and on the desire, and difficulties of developing an approved afro-brazilian catholic rite5

1JS Boaventura, 'Comunidades Afro e Experiência Cristã', Teocomunicação 37:155 (2007), 6187, 6567.

2JS Boaventura, 'Comunidades Afro e Experiência Cristã', Teocomunicação 37:155 (2007), 6187, 68.

3JS Boaventura, 'Comunidades Afro e Experiência Cristã', Teocomunicação 37:155 (2007), 6187, 6973.

4JS Boaventura, 'Comunidades Afro e Experiência Cristã', Teocomunicação 37:155 (2007), 6187, 83.

5JS Boaventura, 'Comunidades Afro e Experiência Cristã', Teocomunicação 37:155 (2007), 6187, 8083.

Bastide ctd

tendency to moralize African deities especially Iemanja who is identified with Virgin Mary1 (256-257)


Responses to syncretism: 1) Back to Africa-- a rejection of Catholicism 2) hiding of African deities behind Catholic saints 3) Catholic infiltration of ABRs2 (260-261)"an idolatrous cult of statues conceived as images of the /orixas'"3 (260)


syncretism not particularly Brazilian but predates the slave trade in the evangelization of blacks in Africa 4(262) structural parallel of the intercession of the saints in Catholicism with the role of orixas as mediators5 (262) similarity between functional role played by Saints (esp. as patrons) and functional element of orixas6 (262) some simply regard the "saint" as the Portuguese name for the orixa7 (272)


Ecological syncretism in terreiros 1) African and Catholic elements often kept separate and distant. Often the Catholic element is the external public image whilst the African element is inner and secret 2) African and Catholic elements kept separate, but close 3) African and Catholic elements mixed 8(272-274)

Catholic ABR syncretism "nothing new or extraordinary compared to syncretism among the African religions themselves9 (277)


ABRs incorporated the magical element and potent prayers of Medieval Catholicism10

1R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 256257.

2R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 260261.

3R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 260.

4R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 262.

5R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 262.

6R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 262.

7R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 272.

8R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 272-274.

9R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 277.

10R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 278279.