Friday, 19 September 2008
Chesnut Born Again
Introduction
refers to the way many Pentecostal churches have had to Pentecostalise to survive in Brazil, e.g. Through the formation of “renovada” churches.1 (3)
admits that many churches have increased amongst the middle class but that the bulk of converts come from the poor.2 (3-4)
describes development of theories on Pentecostal growth from anomie caused by migration to ability to cope with Poverty (Mariz) or affliction in general (Burdick) to empowering and offering security to the victims of modernization (Martin).3 (4-5) Chesnut's theory relates the faith healing message of these churches and the impact of poverty related illnesses.4 (5-6)
claims that some of the first converts to the AoG were Belenenses stricken by tropical diseases.5 (9)
stats on inequality in Brazil.6 (15)
“Urbanization concentrated people in high-density spaces that sharpened both domestic and extradomestic conflict, particularly in favelas and baixadas...Many Pentecostal women, in fact, enter the church seeking a solution to their husbands' philandering.”7 (16)
In Belem, members of the Quadrangular earned twice as much as AoG. Socioeconomical ranking of churches, IEQ, IURD, AD (AoG), CC, BPC, DEA,8 (19)
IEQ, IURD: emphasis on running their own business.9 (21)
Limitation of rural-urban migration theory: 1) many were actually Pentecostals before coming to Belem 2) strong presence of AoG in rural areas.10(22)
“nonindigenous Latin American men have traditionally regarded religion as pertaining to the private female sphere of the home and family...devout Catholic and Umbanda men...are often suspected of being homosexual.”11 (23)
“Pentecostal Manichaeism demonizes the street, where many favelados... face the temptations of liquor and prostitution among others.”12 (24)
Chesnut Born Again
points to outreach by crentes as opposed to Catholic Church and Umbanda which expect people to come to them.1 75
main recruitment along family lines.2 77-78
claims healing (86.4 % of his informants experienced some form) plays a far more important role than speaking in tongues (46.8% of informants do it regularly).3 80
success of deliverance in IURD has led other churches to incorporate it.4 83
“Congregants [especially due to irregular marriage circumstances] constitute approximately 40 percent of all those who regularly attend worship services and participate in church activities.5 90
Chesnut Born Again
importance of the experience of God's power.1 92-93
“Spiritual baptism provides a phenomenological bridge to the new faith for poor Brazilians familiar with spirit possession in African-Brazilian religion.”2 94
“In Latin American Pentecostalism...the Holy Spirit is a decidedly masculine being...penetrates the believer, injecting her with seminal power.”3 95
“the Holy Spirit operates as a sort of divine patron, offering protection in exchange for service and loyalty.”4 96
“The AD's organizational design, though centralized, has left the churches of the baixadas with sufficient autonomy to maintain the priesthood of all believers.”5 (98) contrast this with the more authoritarian nature of the “postmodern” Pentecostal churches [can they be postmodern, then?]6 (98) claims that in the latter, members become the beneficiaries, but not the practitioners of gifts which are concentrated in the leaders.7 (99)
Speaking in tongues, escape from speaking in a Portuguese which is ridiculed by the rest of society.8 (100)
Healing, beyond pastors is exercised by exceptionally devout women; status on pastor dependent on talent as healer.9 (102)
“So fundamental is music to Pentecostal liturgy in Brazil that it typically comprises two-thirds of the culto.”10 (102)
Significance of mutual aid in the church, often through informal networks rather than the institution.11 (104) Role as a job bank.12 (105) role of pastors as employment agents.13 (106)
Chesnut Born Again
points to the fact that a far greater rupture is demanded of a male who converts than from a female.1 (108) most significant impact on males of conversion is repudiation of vices and partying.2 110
“the Pentecostal household reallocates expenditures from the extradomestic to the domestic.”3 114
increase in caloric intake once the male head converts (in Belem)4 117
Tithe: movement from being a receiver to being a creditor/ empowered as a donor to the church.5 119
Women's role as wife and mother becomes “doing God's work”6 120
“Brega...is a type of saccharine music popular among the urban poor in Brazil. In popular usage, the middle and upper classes employ the term to denote anything that is “low class” or tacky.”7 180 note 2
Chesnut Born Again
“In its theological and musical training programs, bureaucratic division of labour and profound concern for civil status the AD now resembles its mainline brethren more than it does the independent Pentecostal denominations of the slums.”1 (129-130)
coins the term “participatory authoritarianism” to describe how despite much grass roots activities of members in lower level offices “the head of the church decides on important matters behind closed doors with a cabal of pastors.”2 130
How a Portuguese member of the AD in Belem returned to Portugal as a missionary in 1914.3 135
“The abundance of organizations at the congregational and intercongregational level provides seemingly limitless opportunities for active engagement in church life.”4 135
church provides many women with the first opportunity for extra domestic activity.5 137
breakdown of “usos e costumes” seen as an adulteration of the gospel by many older generation Assembleianos; particular concern in not being able to distinguish “crentes” from Catholics.6 (142)
Pentecostal Politics in Para
points to the “evangelico vota em evangelico” slogan.7 (154)
claims it is common for AD pastor-presidents to encourage their offspring to seek elected office.8 (160)
Conclusion
“apocalyptic discourse suffused Pentecostal preaching, but in the narratives of individual crentes, the Second Coming received scant attention compared to the trials and tribulations of their everyday lives.”9 (167)
Monday, 21 July 2008
Hamman: Tacking Stock
“most Pentecostal churches are easily formed and do not have to register at any central location or even keep track of their membership numbers.”1
refers to an “Enlightenment prejudice” in the understudy of Pentecostalism.2
Historical evangelicals influential due to support for education, human rights and health care, and willingness to work with progressive Catholics.3
Neo-Pentecostalism: prevalent in urban areas and among the middle and upper classes.4
theology of Pentecostals based on personal experience rather than doctrine.5
Refers to Chesnuts reference to the significance of faith healing in conversion to Pentecostalism.6
“In the Pentecostal churches, a place is provided for women to pool their meager resources, share child-care needs, support each other financially and emotionally during emergencies and, in many cases, raise their standard of living.”7
notes the limitations between comparing between Pentecostalism and lesser participatory forms of Catholicism.8
Pentecostalism as a women's movement: working together to resist Catholic religious hegemony and to oppose poverty and machismo.9
1AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 171.
2AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 172.
3AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 172.
4AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 173.
5AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 173.
6AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 174.
7AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 176.
8AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 179.
9AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 182.
Tuesday, 3 June 2008
Martin
o
prior to the 1950s "Brazil was something of an exception in having a staid Protestant Middle class"1 (50)
"During roughly their first century in Latin America Protestants were regarded as alien invaders by conservatives...natural opponents of the alliance between church and state, and opponents of the teaching of the Catholic religion in state schools. Liberal governments and anti-clericals regarded them as allies of progress and friends of welfare." 2(50)
1985 Protestant Pastors> Catholic Priests in Brazil 3(50-51)
"two distinctive genealogies...conservative evangelicalism...correct grammar of belief ... Pentecostal ... gifts of the Spirit...two other genealogies propagating rapidly...the Adventists...closely related to the evangelical family...Mormons and Witnesses who belong to quite diffetrent genealogical trees."4 (52)
Shift towards autonomy and fragmentation5 (52)
Older protestants link with the Protestant Ethic..."had made their way into the lower middle class and professional classes."6 (53)
"Pentecostals....constitute a much more extensive engagement with the poor....the flexibility and variety brought about by fragmentation both enables them to stay popular...and to create offshoots which can be offered either to those who are ready for mobility or to those already in the middle class."7 (53)
Use of media...due to costs still area of significant North American involvement 8(53)
"an explosion of conservative evangelical religion, a shift towards Pentecostalism, a rejection of ecumenism, and the manifestation among many of those involved of the evangelical capacity to unite modern technology with political conservative." 9(54)
Breaks in Hispanic dominance: (1) British/ US influence creating Protestant enclaves10 (55)
(2) Migration to Latin America. Often migrants bring their religion; at times situation may make migrants more open to change. "Thus the Italian community in Brazil provided a fertile seedbed for the origins of a Pentecostal denomination, Brasil para Cristo." 11(56) (3) Slave migration. Interesting not only because it brought African religions but because "Pentecostalism in part originated in black culture...and Pentecostalism today catches fire among the brushwood of spiritist cults with African roots." 12(56)
Influence of the Patronato system..."In some countries during the Enlightenment, notably Brazil, the church was neutered and barely recovered. It is true that the Brazilian church was eventually Romanized again in the twentieth century, but the years of attrition left it perilously weak....the Roman Catholic Church has suffered both from the way it was established and the manner in which it was disestablished. "13 (57)
Culture often resistant to Catholic teaching...celibacy inintelligible and actual attendance at church often regarded as "suitable only for the very young, the old and the women." 14(57)
significance of Catholicism not so much in doctrines but in "cultural and national identifications"15 (58)
divisions in the church over politics make it more vulnerable to Protestantism16 (58)
"Pentecostalism itself is a form of base community plus the therapeutic recourse to the Spirit found in Umbanda" 17(61)
Modern Brazilian History: (1) 1800s-1930s (2) 1930s until today with subdivision in 196418 (61)
1850s-1930s (1) shift towards modernity whilst power and social structure remained the same (2) emergence of several middle classes, arrival of immigrants (3) shift from NE to SE; modern urban centres developing through industrialization, migration and dispersion of former slaves19 (61-62)
1891 separation of church and state, re-romanization of RCC 20(62-63)
"Brazilians...were not well disposed towards the priesthood and celibacy, and rarely sought ordination...priests had to be brought in from abroad...the equation between Catholic faith and being a patriotic citizen has had less force and less success in Brazil than in many other parts of Latin America." 21(62)
Presbyterians: inital group to make impact. More conservative ones came to Brazil. Divided over nationalism; balance between education and evangelism; ministerial training and freemasonry 22(63)
Baptists: greater stress on evangelism. More socially inclusive. Decentralized so could cope better with schism; 23(63)
"The greater success of Baptists relative to Presbyterians presaged the future success of Pentecostals. The Pentecostals were in most respects like the Baptist, only more so."24 (63)
Methodists contributed to education and welfare but not to the church.25 (63)
"Protestants could find an opening either where there was movement as on the frontier, or where there was modest independence." 26(64)
Protestantism: dislike of alcohol; promiscuity and dancing. Attachment to work and social mobility27 (64)
Pastors: rural middle class; ascension of progeny; "were power brokers and patrons in prop28er Brazilian style." (64)
authoritarian spirit in Protestantism paved way for division.29 (64)
1930 Vargas coup--> industrialization + Urbanization. Emergence of working class as actors.30 (64)
1930-1964 rapid expansion of Pentecostalism 31(65)
Pentecostalism...fully indigineous "cut people off from the wider society in order to raise them in a new religious framework."32 (65)
"Frase sums this up by saying that Pentecostalism offers the fruits of honesty and thrift and a surrogate family, as well as the chances of participation and a sense of work, meaning and empowerment."33 (65)
Brasil para Cristo...use of modern communications...participation in secular politics...large central temple34 (65)
expansion of Pentecostals into Middle class exemplified by R. McAlister's Church of New Life35 (66)
1D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50.
2D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50.
3D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50–51.
4D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 52.
5D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 52.
6D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.
7D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.
8D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.
9D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 54.
10D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 55.
11D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 56.
12D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 56.
13D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 57.
14D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 57.
15D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 58.
16D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 58.
17D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61.
18D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61.
19D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61–62.
20D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 62–63.
21D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 62.
22D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.
23D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.
24D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.
25D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.
26D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.
27D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.
28D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.
29D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.
30D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.
31D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.
32D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.
33D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.
34D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.
35D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 66.
Monday, 2 June 2008
Martin
conversion linked to independence, either through self-employment or by the despair caused by the loss of support1 (186)
"Protestantism emerges at a certain point in the opening of a society...picks up sectors beginning to detach themselves through classic processes of differentiation and marginality.2" (202)
"faith spreads from relative to relative, neighbour to neighbour, but rarely from door to door 3(203)
Pentecostalism both an activation of elements latent in Catholicism and the realization of elements of the Protestant Ethic4 (203)
"Evangelical religion and economic advancement do often go together and when they do so appear mutually to support and reinforce one another" 5(206)
economic advancement--> groups of strangers who support one another: Mormons, both Americanization + Protestant ethic; JWs and Adventists: Protestant Sectarient mentality6 (207)
"benefficient effect of learning to read and preparing to preach"7 (213)
one century ago in Brazil Protestantism associated with liberal middle classes8 (226)
R. Frase "a whole new network of relationships between patrons and clients was created through a complex organization of churches, schools, seminaries, hospitals, etc... open and democratic promise of Protestantism was partly diminished by the pressures and exigencies of the system in which it had to operate."9 (226)
C. Mariz, self help common among the poor, not just in Pentecostals and CEBs. These however offer "alternative networks" with a "national scope and sacred sanction"10 (227)
ROlim: Pentecostals in commerce and service sectors. Social advancement more common among historical Protestants than Pentecostals11 (227-228)
historically Pentecostalism leads to a dualism between 'the church' and the 'world'12 (234)
in response to elite intellectual criticisms of this Pentecostal dualism "From their point of view, it is of the nature of poverty that the poor are too intellectually impoverished to know where their earthly treasure is located."13 (235)
re: Politics "There is no route which Pentecostal doctrine absolutely precludes, except adherence to a movement which is doctrinally atheistic."14 (236)
1D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 186.
2D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 202.
3D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 203.
4D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 203.
5D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 206.
6D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 207.
7D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 213.
8D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 226.
9D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 226.
10D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 227.
11D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 227–228.
12D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 234.
13D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 235.
14D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 236.
Martin
Pentecostal anticatholicism: dislike of papism, Marianism and syncretism; experience of persecution1 (236)
unlike historical denominations, Pentecostals are unwilling to work with Catholics2 (236-237)
"Christian Lalive D'Epinay sees Pentecostalism as a refuge for the masses which reproduces much of the closeness and the patronal relations of the hacienda...allows a man to be alienated from society...offers him a free space wherein he may retain at least some dignity."3 (243)
"Brazil was a second "frontier" for many US missionaries because some Southern colonists sought refuge in Brazil after the Civil War."4 (255-256)--> encouraged quietism in politics (256)
"any social change connected with Protestantism is restricted to the level of culture rather than structure."5 (256)
Presbyterian church--> struggle for national independence; conflict between youth and central bureacracies; after 1964 latter preferred authoritarian solutions6 (256-257)
"Pentecostalism went native precisely in the way that many missiological theorists prescribe but in doing so it reproduced some of the features of Brazilian society that one would expect Protestantism to challenge" such as issues of patronage and honour and shame7 (257)
defines favelas as rural subcultures looking at an alien urban world."8 (258)
Pentecostalism: mutual support; emotional release; sense of ID+dignity; substitute society caring for its own9 (258)
Points to Brasil para Cristo's resistance to the military regime10 (258-259)
discussion of issue of patronage+authority: Pastors instructing members how to vote11 (259)
Politically Baptists--> Moral Majority; Pentecostalism--> central; Historical Protestants--> strongly left or right12 (259)
"The Latin American heirs of the Iberian empire have suffered cumulative political and economic defeat at the hands of the North American heirs of the British Empire"13 (271) sees this as the context in which the arrival of Protestantism in Latin America is to be interpreted14 (272)
Voluntarism; revivalism and participatory enthusiasm of Evangelical Protestantism in England intensified in North American15 (273-275)
in America "the prototypes of Pentecostal and evangelical religion now went into full cultural reproduction ready for eventual transportation across the Rio Grande"16 (274)
In Latin America after 300 years in which religion and social fabric were held together as one process of differentiation is occurring17 (278) similar process occurred in Britain and then in America. These countries influenced Latin America but nonetheless process is independent.18 (278)
" As the sacred canopy in Latin America is rent and the all-encompassing system cracks, evangelical Christianity pours in and by its own autonomous native power creates free social space"19 (280)
Religious influence part of a wider American influence in Latin America20 (280-281)
points to American influence on Catholicism: 1) Charismatic catholicism begun in North America 2) priesthood comes from N. America 3) many partisans of Lib Theology educated/come from North America21 (281)
Latin American Pentecostalism as the Latin Americanization of American religion22 (282-283)
influence of urbanization: "Evangelical Christianity is a dramatic migration of the spirit matching and accompanying a dramatic migration of bodies."23 (284) loss of all ties that bind, familial, communal or ecclesial24 (284) "new cell taking over from scarred and broken tissue"25 (284)
Catholicism--> ecclesiastical functionaries tended to be more concerned with their careers than Catholic devotion, concern with entering political and social elites.26 (288)
Pentecostalism--> first encounter for many with biblical based, personal faith27 (289)Catholic responses in Catholic action and Liberation Theology28 (289)
"Liberation theology has a decided middle class and radical intellectual alien to the localized needs of the 'poor'"29 (296)
re: Secularization tends tentatively to European exceptionalism as in Latin America unlike Europe Protestantism/Pentecostalism came with the rupture of the sacred canopy, not being part of the sacred canopy itself 30(296-298)
1D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 236.
2D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 236–237.
3D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 243.
4D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 255–256.
5D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 256.
6D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 256–257.
7D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 257.
8D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 258.
9D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 258.
10D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 258–259.
11D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 259.
12D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 259.
13D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 271.
14D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 272.
15D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 273–275.
16D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 274.
17D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 278.
18D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 278.
19D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 280.
20D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 280–281.
21D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 281.
22D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 282–283.
23D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 284.
24D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 284.
25D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 284.
26D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 288.
27D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 289.
28D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 289.
29D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 296.
30D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 296–298.
nunez
"O movimento Atletas de Cristo nasceu em abril de 1978, em Belo Horizonte (MG),com o pastor Abrahão Soares e o goleiro João Leite (Atlético – MG). É um movimento formado por atletas evangélicos que atuam nas mais variadas modalidades esportivas e que pertencem a diversas igrejas evangélicas sendo, por isso, um movimento paraeclesiástico. O conceito “evangélico” aqui usado refere-se a todos os seguidores das igrejas: protestantes, pentecostais e neopentecostais." 1(1)
"Hoje, já existe um certo consenso de que tanto o futebol como o carnaval não são necessariamente alienantes, mas podem ser usados para este fim. Assim como a religião." 2(3)
"O período inicial do movimento Atletas de Cristo coincide com uma nova fase das igrejas evangélicas, classificado por neopentecostalismo (MARIANO, 1999). Trata-se de um movimento que provocou mudanças profundas nas igrejas pentecostais. Surgiu a chamada Teologia da Prosperidade e ocorreram mudanças na estética e no comportamento dos evangélicos. Cresceu a “bancada evangélica” no Congresso Nacional. Esta nova fase é também conhecida por “terceira onda” do pentecostalismo (FRESTON, 1994: 67). A igreja mais representativa neste caso é a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, fundada em 1977. Outras também importantes são: Sara Nossa Terra (1976); Igreja Internacional da Graça de Deus (1980) e Renascer em Cristo (1986)." 3(5)
"Durante a última etapa da Ditadura Militar... consolidaram-se organizações religiosas de matriz católica, mas que contavam com a participação de membros das igrejas do protestantismo histórico. ...a Comissão de Pastoral da Terra (CPT),...o Conselho Indigenista Missionário (CIMI), formado por católicos e luteranos. Estes organismos ecumênicos participaram ativamente dos movimentos pela
redemocratização do Brasil, juntamente com outras organizações inter-religiosas. Cabe ressaltar que a maior parte das igrejas pentecostais recusou-se a participar destes movimentos ecumênicos. Uma das exceções foi o caso do pastor Manoel de Mello, crítico da ditadura militar, membro do Conselho Mundial de Igrejas (CMI)" 4 (5)
pentecostal churches active in integrating migrants into the cities during the 80s...the lost decade. 5(5)
links emergence of neo-pentecostal churches with the neo-liberal phase and attributes their success to prosperity theology 6(6)
"A direção do movimento Atletas de Cristo sempre posicionou-se contrária aos princípios da Teologia da Prosperidade. No entanto, a tentação de associar o sucesso no esporte com a adesão a Deus, está sempre presente nos depoimentos dos atletas."7 (6)
refers to the behavioural and dress codes of the pentecostals 8(6-7)
"As igrejas neopentecostais mudam radicalmente os “usos e costumes” dos evangélicos: introduzem os mais variados ritmos musicais nos cultos e reuniões (samba, pagode, rock, hard rock, hardcore, reggae, funk, rap, hip hop, eletrônica, entre outros), liberam as regras sobre o uso de roupas e acessórios, flexibilizam as orientações sobre comportamento sexual, entre outras mudanças." 9(7)
"A maioria das igrejas investe na chamada “música gospel”...há uma “indústria da música gospel”, com gravadoras de CD, estúdios, festivais e rádios “FM Gospel”, com forte presença no mercado fonográfico. A música gospel faz parte do proselitismo evangélico (PINHEIRO: 1998). Nossa pesquisa sobre os Atletas de Cristo também mostra o uso do futebol, e demais esportes, como instrumento para a divulgação da mensagem evangélica 10(7-8)
1FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 1.
2FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
3FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
4FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
5FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
6FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
7FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
8FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
9FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
10FJ Nunes, ' Futebol, religião e política entram em campo', Nures 2 (2006), URL
Macchia...
o
"Pentecostalism...expresses something of the soul of Latin America"2 (134)
"many Latin Americans have a Christian soul, one of the expressions of which is Pentecostalism."3 (134-135)
Pentecostal churches almost immediately embraced local leadership4 (135)
Pentecostalism linked with Catholic resurgence5 (135)
"In three countries [Guatemala, Chile, Brazil] where Pentecostal growth is most prominent, Catholic seminary students increased dramatically...Also in Brazil, sales of Bibles have explodeD In the last four years 4.5 million complete Bibles were sold, 36 per cent by Catholic publishers."6 (135)
claims that in many deprivation studies "Often overlooked were key Pentecostals active in society as shopkeepers, small entrepreneurs and school teachers. Many key persons became upper-lower and lower-middle classes, a creative strata whose aspirations helped to give leadership."7 (136)
both poor Pentecostals ascended socially and the recruitment of converts from the middle class 8(136)
"A major element in the advancement to middle social status has been education. Pentecostals stay in school longer."9 (136)
"Holiness, humility, and a strict moral code stand out as characteristics of Pentecostalism throughout countries studied in Latin America." 10(137)
"Part of the perfectionist ideal is sacrificial giving....The fundamental source of financial support for Pentecostal churches in Latin America is the generosity of individual members." 11(137)
Women: although Pentecostals reinforce traditional male dominance "the combination of emphasis on religious equality, new roles open to women in the life of the church" undermine machismo whilst within the church women see themselves as individuals responsible for their own lives before God and become "active, responsible agents in their own and family lives."12 (138)
o
On the job training of Pentecostal pastors.13 (138-139)
Social ascension causes problems of lack of pastors with formal academic training 14(139)
decline of effect of street preaching, especially amongst the middle class15 (139-140)
questions whether Neo-Pentecostals who emphasise health and wealth are to be considered part of Pentecostalism 16(142)
Wednesday, 28 May 2008
Mariano
claims that for some neo-pentecostal churches ABRs have become the main enemy substituting the RCC1
points to evangelical critiques of excessive demonology of IURD and others.2
R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br Fornecido por Joomla! Produzido em: 23 March, 2008.
Tendo em conta a estagnação numérica do protestantismo histórico, a perda de seu caráter modernizador e as profundas mudanças em curso no pentecostalismo, em especial a dessectarização e o abandono da rejeição ascética do mundo, questiono que tal "explosão protestante" (Martin, 1990) seja portadora de um conjunto de implicações modernizantes, similares às que teve a expansão protestante a partir do século XVI na Europa e, posteriormente, nos EUA, com potencial para transformar os valores, a cultura e a economia latino-americanos.3
claims that the more pentecostalism becomes adapted to Brazilian culture the less likely it is to change it.4
points that historical protestant growth between 1980-1991 >population growth and Catholic growth.5 Exception to this rule comes from the Baptist and Adventist churches.6
Claims also that Protestant churches are no longer seen as bringing modernity and democracy to Brazil, but critiqued for fundamentalism, excessive conservatism and a pietistic escapist ethic.7
Criticises those scholars who would present a direct link between reformation, Protestantism and pentecostalism in Brazil.8
“a pluralização do espectro cristão, ao expandir o mercado religioso, contexto no qual as religiões não
podem contar a priori com a submissão nem com a lealdade dos fiéis, implica secularização (Berger, 1985; Pierucci,1997a), racionalização das instituições religiosas e declínio do compromisso religioso.”9
o pentecostalismo tem de enfrentar a resistência da maioria da população brasileira a possuir e honrar compromissos religiosos duradouros junto a uma instituição religiosa, tradicional ou não . Quer dizer, tem de remar contra a crescente maré de secularização da sociedade, do comportamento e das consciências individuais. De modo que os limites para seu crescimento ultrapassam, e muito, a fronteira intra-religiosa. O que o obriga a competir numa luta inglória e acirrada pelo tempo, dinheiro, lealdade, participação e trabalho voluntário dos indivíduos com a esfera do lazer e do sexo, a indústria cultural, as associações civis não-religiosas, a militância sindical e em ONGs, a carreira profissional, os discursos científico e anticlerical, as ideologias políticas, as filosofias de vida alternativas, os sistemas de valores seculares, o consumismo, o hedonismo, o ceticismo, o ateísmo, além de todo o desinteresse e indiferença religiosos.”10
Tradicionalmente, como se vê, os pesquisadores observam pouca inovação social no pentecostalismo e o associam a aspectos negativos: alienação, conservadorismo, anti-intelectualismo, emocionalismo, sectarismo, caciquismo, caudilhismo.11
claims that rather than retreat from the world neopentecostals seek to conquer it for Christ.12
“Por conta destas e de outras formas de inserção e acomodação à sociedade, cresce o número de conversões de indivíduos de classe média, de empresários e de uma variada gama de profissionais, entre eles atletas, artistas, modelos, cantores e políticos, os quais, antes dessa contextualização doutrinária e comportamental promovida pelos neopentecostais, teriam em muitos casos até de abandonar a carreira se quisessem ser batizados e prosseguir na nova fé numa igreja pentecostal tradicional”13
“Pesquisa feita pela Faculdade de Saúde Pública da USP com 390 familiares de menores internados na Fundação Estadual do Bem-Estar do Menor de São Paulo (Febem), entre março e junho de 1997, revelou que 44% dos pais dos infratores freqüentavam cultos evangélicos. Esta cifra é quase quatro vezes maior do que a representada pelos evangélicos na população brasileira, dado que sugere o insucesso (justamente
o oposto do esperado) dessas famílias crentes na socialização primária, na formação ética e na contenção de seus filhos da marginalidade social.” suggests as possible explanations (1) these parents go to church due to their problems (2) children are driven to crime due to repressive pentecostal parents (3) there is no connection14
claims that in politics Pentecostals tend to be characterised by conservatism, corporativism, clientilism and a right-wing agenda.15
1R Mariano, 'Neo-pentecostais: Sociologia do Novo Pentecostalismo no Brasil Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br Fornecido por Joomla! Produzido em: 23 March, 2008.
2R Mariano, 'Neo-pentecostais: Sociologia do Novo Pentecostalismo no Brasil Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br Fornecido por Joomla! Produzido em: 23 March, 2008.
3R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br : 23 March, 2008.
4R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
5R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
6R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
7R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
8R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
9R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
10R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
11R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
12R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 2) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
13R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 2) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
14R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 2) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
15R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 2) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.
Silva
Claims that whilst in historical churches the issue of race is raised by leaders, in Pentecostal churches it is a grass roots movement.1
Claims that in the 19th century many missionaries tended to be in favour of slavery, many Christians avoided the subject and a small minority were in favour of abolition.2
Although accepted within Pentecostal churches, Black isolated from his cultural heritage.3
Claims there is racism in much teaching on inner healing, generational curses and spiritual warfare. Points to examples of racism in churches.4
1HF da Silva, “Movimento Negro nas igrejas evangélicas” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008
2HF da Silva, “Movimento Negro nas igrejas evangélicas” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008
3HF da Silva, “Movimento Negro nas igrejas evangélicas” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008
4HF da Silva, “Movimento Negro nas igrejas evangélicas” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008
Wednesday, 21 May 2008
Mesquita
"Pregam a felicidade na terra, valorizam a riqueza material e deixam de lado restrições sobre a forma de vestir. A idéia de que privações materiais na terra garantem a felicidade no paraíso também foi abrandada nas igrejas pentecostais "1 (118)
IURD: "A adesão do indivíduo aos “planos de Deus” é explicitada, na Igreja Universal, pela idéia de se estabelecer uma “aliança com Ele”. Desse modo, o ser humano torna-se sócio de Deus quando se dispõe a “fazer um sacrifício”, isto é, a oferecer à Igreja uma porcentagem de tudo o que ele ganhou ou pretende ganhar (o dízimo). Se isso for feito corretamente, Deus ficará obrigado a realizar o desejo de prosperidade de seus adoradores mais fiéis. Macedo ([s.d.], p 79, 82) ensina que “dar o dízimo é candidatar-se a receber bênçãos sem medida […] sob os aspectos físicos, espiritual e financeiro”."2 (118)
refers to financial austerity and savings by Pentecostal church members, many who seek to purchase their own home 3(123-125)
focuses on how the dizimo is seen as a financial commitment seen to open the door to financial prosperity and higher levels of consumption. Importance of a "clean" name. Guidance by church leaders, despite appeals for donations, for responsible financial behaviour. Symbolic meaning of consumption and the use of religious messages to achieve higher levels of life 4(125-130)
"Muitos buscam melhorar de vida e a crença religiosa parece ajudá-los; apesar de todas as dificuldades financeiras e da imprevisibilidade de um futuro, eles enfrentam os desafios do cotidiano com o apoio religioso para a superação dessa situação. Por outro lado, a Teologia da Prosperidade torna plausível o consumo inerente ao sistema capitalista vigente na sociedade brasileira. ...Para os seus adeptos, a felicidade terrena – e aí entendida também como acesso a bens de consumo – ganha um destaque em suas vidas. Note-se que, em vista disso, há uma certa sobreposição entre “prosperidade” e “felicidade”, a primeira correspondendo ao fato, a segunda ao sentimento associado....de como envolvendo bens materiais, saúde, família organizada, respeito, etc. Entretanto, observa-se que esses sempre começam mencionando as condições materiais." 5(131-132)
" Assim, a ida à Igreja faz parte de todo um jogo de interdependência que exige, especialmente do fiel, formas de participação pautadas em procedimentos específicos. Há uma porosidade entre as atividades de lazer e as religiosas, busca-se no espaço da Igreja a experiência emocional que pode ser propiciada pelo lazer." 6(134)
reading of the Bible more common amongst wealthier members; social prestige of greater Bible knowledge"7 (135-136)
1W Mesquita, “ Um pé no reino e outro no mundo: CONSUMO E LAZER ENTRE PENTECOSTAIS,” Horizontes Antropológicos 13: 28 (2007), 117–144, 118.
2W Mesquita, “ Um pé no reino e outro no mundo: CONSUMO E LAZER ENTRE PENTECOSTAIS,” Horizontes Antropológicos 13: 28 (2007), 117–144, 118.
3W Mesquita, “ Um pé no reino e outro no mundo: CONSUMO E LAZER ENTRE PENTECOSTAIS,” Horizontes Antropológicos 13: 28 (2007), 117–144, 123–125.
4W Mesquita, “ Um pé no reino e outro no mundo: CONSUMO E LAZER ENTRE PENTECOSTAIS,” Horizontes Antropológicos 13: 28 (2007), 117–144, 125–130.
5W Mesquita, “ Um pé no reino e outro no mundo: CONSUMO E LAZER ENTRE PENTECOSTAIS,” Horizontes Antropológicos 13: 28 (2007), 117–144, 131–132.
6W Mesquita, “ Um pé no reino e outro no mundo: CONSUMO E LAZER ENTRE PENTECOSTAIS,” Horizontes Antropológicos 13: 28 (2007), 117–144, 134.
7W Mesquita, “ Um pé no reino e outro no mundo: CONSUMO E LAZER ENTRE PENTECOSTAIS,” Horizontes Antropológicos 13: 28 (2007), 117–144, 135–136.