Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

The Preconversion World of Illness
“Crentes divide their life history into three moments: preconversion, conversion and postconversion.”1 51
points to the fact that neither Catholicism, through its association with Carnival and feasts, and Umbanda with the consumption of liquor in terreiros offer much spiritual aid for the alcoholic.258
Refers to a “male prestige complex” expressed for example in sexual conquests.3 60
widespread nature of violence in Brazilian society “it is the violence of the street reproduced inside the walls of the house that sends shantytown dwellers, mainly women, in search of the peace of sanctuary.”4 62
note use of “postmodern Pentecostal churches” preferred to “neo-Pentecostal”.5 65
“Beyond the walls of the academy, atheism is a foreign concept in Brazil.”6 67
Utilitarian approach to religion in Brazil, “poor clients attach themselves to a divine patrão who provides protection and occasional miracles in exchange for ritual acts of sacrifice.”7 67 Pagar promessa: “supplicants promise to “pay” for the aid performing a ritual act of sacrifice, normally a procession or pilgrimage.”8 68
Pentecostal women who had previously gone to a terreiro usually went their searching for healing, men often also went searching for employment.9 70
“Umbanda provides no definite moral code by which followers should live. Similarly, the Catholic church, as a civil religion, fails to create a world apart, where believers can stand in opposition to a pathogenic society that robs them of their human potential and dignity.”10 71

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Ideology and Morality
points to the fact that a far greater rupture is demanded of a male who converts than from a female.1 (108) most significant impact on males of conversion is repudiation of vices and partying.2 110
“the Pentecostal household reallocates expenditures from the extradomestic to the domestic.”3 114
increase in caloric intake once the male head converts (in Belem)4 117
Tithe: movement from being a receiver to being a creditor/ empowered as a donor to the church.5 119
Women's role as wife and mother becomes “doing God's work”6 120
“Brega...is a type of saccharine music popular among the urban poor in Brazil. In popular usage, the middle and upper classes employ the term to denote anything that is “low class” or tacky.”7 180 note 2

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Authoritarian Assembly: Church Organization
“In its theological and musical training programs, bureaucratic division of labour and profound concern for civil status the AD now resembles its mainline brethren more than it does the independent Pentecostal denominations of the slums.”1 (129-130)
coins the term “participatory authoritarianism” to describe how despite much grass roots activities of members in lower level offices “the head of the church decides on important matters behind closed doors with a cabal of pastors.”2 130
How a Portuguese member of the AD in Belem returned to Portugal as a missionary in 1914.3 135
“The abundance of organizations at the congregational and intercongregational level provides seemingly limitless opportunities for active engagement in church life.”4 135
church provides many women with the first opportunity for extra domestic activity.5 137
breakdown of “usos e costumes” seen as an adulteration of the gospel by many older generation Assembleianos; particular concern in not being able to distinguish “crentes” from Catholics.6 (142)
Pentecostal Politics in Para
points to the “evangelico vota em evangelico” slogan.7 (154)
claims it is common for AD pastor-presidents to encourage their offspring to seek elected office.8 (160)
Conclusion
“apocalyptic discourse suffused Pentecostal preaching, but in the narratives of individual crentes, the Second Coming received scant attention compared to the trials and tribulations of their everyday lives.”9 (167)

Drogus

CA Drogus, “Religious Change and Women's Status in Latin America: A Comparison of Catholic Base Communities and Pentecostal Churches” Kellogg Institute of International Studies Working Paper 205, University of Notre Dame Homepage available online at http://www.nd.edu/~kellogg/publications/workingpapers/WP201_210.shtml [Accessed July 23 2008]

Husbands only support wife's activities in LA outside the home if they are religious, hence religojn allows women to “expand their extra-domestic duties.”1
Pentecostal churches provide women with a higher arbitrer to whom they can appeal in case of domestic disputes.2
Disagrees with Burdick claiming that domestic issues are discussed in CEBs, however recognises that some issues, such as adultery and alcoholism, are not raised in public.3 Nonetheless, dominant ethos in CEBs focuses on liberation theology rather than personal and family morality.4
“the class emphasis of liberation theology often leads to a neglect of specific problems suffered by women.”5
Female Leadership in Pentecostal churches, through becoming faith healers, and power over the finances of the women's group.6
Pentecostal churches: women try to capture a high share of male income for family sustenance; greater private role for men.7
CEBs may lead to greater domestic conflict as it emphasises public role of women.8
C. Mariz “Pentecostals... bring men into the private sphere, while CEBs politicise women and bring them into the public sphere.”9

Hamman: Tacking Stock

“most Pentecostal churches are easily formed and do not have to register at any central location or even keep track of their membership numbers.”¹

refers to an “Enlightenment prejudice” in the understudy of Pentecostalism.²

Historical evangelicals influential due to support for education, human rights and health care, and willingness to work with progressive Catholics.³

Neo-Pentecostalism: prevalent in urban areas and among the middle and upper classes.⁴

theology of Pentecostals based on personal experience rather than doctrine.⁵

Refers to Chesnuts reference to the significance of faith healing in conversion to Pentecostalism.⁶

“In the Pentecostal churches, a place is provided for women to pool their meager resources, share child-care needs, support each other financially and emotionally during emergencies and, in many cases, raise their standard of living.”⁷

notes the limitations between comparing between Pentecostalism and lesser participatory forms of Catholicism.⁸

Pentecostalism as a women's movement: working together to resist Catholic religious hegemony and to oppose poverty and machismo.⁹

1AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 171.

2AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 172.

3AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 172.

4AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 173.

5AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 173.

6AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 174.

7AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 176.

8AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 179.

9AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 182.

Martin

"Women are among the 'voiceless' given a new tongue in the circle of Pentecostal communication"¹ (181)

evangelical ideology can be used by women to domesticate men². (181

"Evangelical religion literally restores the breadwinner to the home and restores the primacy of bread in the home."³ (181-182)

legalistic moral standards based on machismo leads to victimisation and abuse but such churches unlikely to prevail.⁴ (182)

1D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 181.

2D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 181.

3D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 181–182.

4D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 182.

Robert

"Certainly in Latin American Pentecostalism today, the linkage among mobility and migration, urbanization, and the role of conversion in strengthening the nuclear family provides interesting parallels with North America in the 1800s. In both contexts women promoted the conversion of men and children" ¹(183)

"Women join churches in which women support one another."² (184)

argues that conversion, especially later of the husband, may reduce the destructive aspects of machismo ³(185)

"Conversion to evangelicalism occurs in a context of urbanization in which women’s productive roles in peasant economies have been undermined, and the family has become dependent on male wages." ⁴(185)

"The ethic of the nuclear family, as spread by evangelicalism since its emergence in the 1700s, serves to recommit men to their wife and offspring."⁵ (185)

"evangelicalism therefore bestows concrete material benefits on the family in the form of male economic loyalty, and also emotional and spiritual support for women. Christian forms of patriarchy, such as doctrines of male headship spread by evangelical groups, are a small price to pay for the moderation of machismo, male drunkenness, and expenditure of high percentages of the family income."⁶ (185)

"First, women join churches because in them they find female solidarity and support for their roles in family and community life, often in connection with mitigating the pressures of patriarchal societies...not only do churches provide communal support for female identity, but forms of spirituality may be integrally related to the construction of gender itself. For ordinary women, the community they experience is more important than raising questions about the patriarchal basis of most church leadership."⁷ (185)

"Second, women are attracted to new Christian movements because they hold out hope for healing, improved well-being, and reconciliation with others in their communities"⁸ (185)

"Third, church-based community support for women, and for healing and wholeness, can create new avenues for women’s leadership in patriarchal societies, as well as provide a context in

which female education is valued"⁹ (185)

1D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 183.

2D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 184.

3D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 185.

4D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 185.

5D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 185.

6D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 185.

7D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 185.

8D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 185.

9D Robert, 'World Christianity as a Women's Movement', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:4 (2006), 180–188, 185.

Pimentel

"Na realidade, a figura da mulher dentro da IURD é cheia de nuances e particularidades. O Bispo Edir Macedo faz constantes adaptações em sua doutrina e tem adotado uma postura menos radical em muitas de suas premissas. Mesmo assim, no tocante à mulher, a ênfase ainda recai sobre a importância de manter a obediência ao marido e no vínculo do feminino com o Mal."¹ (23)

o

"A única forma de poder da mulher dentro da IURD é o trabalho de "obreira", uma espécie de auxiliar nos cultos. Esse trabalho é restrito a algumas fiéis, não podendo participar, por exemplo, mulheres de pastores e bispos – a quem, muitas vezes, são delegadas funções sociais, como a coordenação de grupos de apoio...Mesmo desempenhando a função de obreira, ao final cabe à mulher cuidar da casa, assegurando o bem-estar da família. Essa seria a vontade de Deus" ²(24)

"Segundo a doutrina Universal, Semírames é assimilada à figura que os povos antigos denominavam "Virgem-Mãe", e foi ela que deu origem a todas as mitologias nesse sentido, enganando, inclusive, aqueles que professam o Catolicismo, pois sua representação se assemelha à imagem de Nossa Senhora com o Menino Jesus. Sobre o culto a Semírames, diz Macedo que "no Brasil, ela é Nossa Senhora Aparecida, a padroeira; em Portugal, a imagem tem o nome de Fátima e, no México, a Santa é a mesma, com o nome de Guadalupe" ³(25)

"Nesses dez mandamentos fica nítida a imagem feminina que estimula os líderes da IURD. É a mulher submissa ao marido, que fala pouco (pois suas palavras são perigosas, tanto que levaram o primeiro homem à Queda), que deve ter firmeza para manter a família na fé, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, funciona como porta de entrada do Mal."⁴ (27)

oo

links possession with the solution of family problems. Women seek deliverance to then seek deliverance of the rest of their family ⁵(29-31)

"A família, tendo ou não membros convertidos, normalmente delega seu bem-estar espiritual à mulher. A possessão parece dar a essas mulheres a possibilidade de libertar seus "demônios", chance essa que não possuem em um cotidiano de opressão. O exorcismo traz a chance de reorganização interna, e a responsabilidade em manter-se bem acaba por levar a uma mudança de atitude. Como mediadora, a mulher assume a responsabilidade de estar bem para proporcionar o bem-estar alheio e restaurar o equilíbrio e a paz em suas vidas. É possível considerar, então, que a conversão à IURD pode ser um caminho que ajuda algumas mulheres a se afirmarem, tornando-se mais assertivas." ⁶(32-33)

1F Pimentel, ' Psiquê nos Domínios do Demônio – um olhar sobre a relação entre exorcismo e cura em um grupo de mulheres fiéis da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus', Revista de Estudos da Religião 2 (2005), 22–34, 23.

2F Pimentel, ' Psiquê nos Domínios do Demônio – um olhar sobre a relação entre exorcismo e cura em um grupo de mulheres fiéis da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus', Revista de Estudos da Religião 2 (2005), 22–34, 24.

3F Pimentel, ' Psiquê nos Domínios do Demônio – um olhar sobre a relação entre exorcismo e cura em um grupo de mulheres fiéis da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus', Revista de Estudos da Religião 2 (2005), 22–34, 25.

4F Pimentel, ' Psiquê nos Domínios do Demônio – um olhar sobre a relação entre exorcismo e cura em um grupo de mulheres fiéis da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus', Revista de Estudos da Religião 2 (2005), 22–34, 37.

5F Pimentel, ' Psiquê nos Domínios do Demônio – um olhar sobre a relação entre exorcismo e cura em um grupo de mulheres fiéis da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus', Revista de Estudos da Religião 2 (2005), 22–34, 29–31.

6F Pimentel, ' Psiquê nos Domínios do Demônio – um olhar sobre a relação entre exorcismo e cura em um grupo de mulheres fiéis da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus', Revista de Estudos da Religião 2 (2005), 22–34, 32‫–33.

troch

claims that women are attracted to Pentecostal churches to seek remedy for some of the causes of their poverty¹ (65)

Pentecostal churches

(1) provide a clear solution to the problems of alcoholism

(2) offers an utilitarian approach to religion

(3) contextualises in the context of clientism "It is the Holy Spirit that offers protection in exchange for service and loyalty"² (65)

(4) gives power and dignity through church service 5) emphasises personal transformation

³(65-66

1 L Troch, 'Ecclesiogenesis: the Patchwork of New Religious Communities in Brazil' Exchange 33:1 (2004), 54–72, 65.

2 L Troch, 'Ecclesiogenesis: the Patchwork of New Religious Communities in Brazil' Exchange 33:1 (2004), 54–72, 65.

3 L Troch, 'Ecclesiogenesis: the Patchwork of New Religious Communities in Brazil' Exchange 33:1 (2004), 54–72, 65–66.

Machado

Suggests that Pentecostal churches have left some of their stricter practices behind and have moved towards greater moral flexibility¹

“A adesão ao pentecostalismo representa uma ruptura com as expectativas sociais.”²

Male conversion to pentecostalism: 1) unemployment 2) financial difficulties 3) health problems. Female conversion usually tied up to family need.³

“o pentecostalismo combate a identidade masculina predominante na sociedade brasiliera, estimulando nos homens que aderem ao movimento as formas de conduta tradicionalmente alocadas ao gênero feminino...moral sexual rígida...preocupem com o bem-estar da família” ⁴

Pentecostalism and female autonomy: 1) greater moral authority 2) increased self-esteem 3) extra-domestic activities 4) social links 5) voluntary work. 6) especially with prosperity theology: encouraging women to work⁵ sees indirect influence of feminist ideas, as they become diffuse in society.⁶

Greater opening to women's ministry in both pentecostal and historical churches. Yet most women ministers become ministers because their husbands are also pastors.⁷

“atrelar a consagração das mulheres à concepção do ministério do casal foi a fórmula encontrada pelas lideranças de várias denominações para preservar a dependência feminina em relação aos homens.”⁸

notes that in IURD there is a large number of women obreiras, but few women pastors.⁹

explores the importance of feminine vote, and feminine candidates in evangelical/pentecostal politics.¹⁰

1M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 388.

2M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 388.

3M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 389.

4M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 389.

5M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 389–390.

6M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 390.

7M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 391.

8M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 392.

9M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 392.

10M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 392–394.

Matviuk

Latin American Pentecostalism consisting mainly of females and young people who on the whole are poor and collectivistically oriented ¹(207)

o

"The early Pentecostals of the twentieth century considered themselves as God's end-time people, who by his grace, were 1) saved, 2) sanctified and 3) baptized in the Holy Spirit." ²(208)

Follows Harvey Cox in pointing out 5 main practices 1) experiential spirituality

2) celebrative worship 3) practicality 4) social criticism 5) inclusive community Bernardo Campos re: Latin American Pentecostalism 1) spirituality

2) social protest 3) social change³ (208)

o

"From a communication stand point, it is having people as central that partially accounts for the success of the Pentecostal message."⁴ (209)

o

Pentecostalism as a popular movement communicates itself in a multicultural and popular way⁵ (209)

Pentecostalism as folk religion⁶ (210)

o

Pentecostalism built upon pre-colonial and Catholic concepts of faith being rooted in life and experience. "Therefore Latin American Pentecostalism re-injected sacredness and transcendence of the religious experience...not related to the official religion."⁷ (211)

o

from the culture Latin American Pentecostalism also take the importance of event. Celebrative worship and communal living. Critique from Protestants of syncretism due to the acceptance of cultural practices earlier protestants had rejected ⁸(211-213)

o

Pentecostal ritual field "is comprised ritual space, time, objects, sounds and language, identities or roles, and actions, behaviours and gestures which interact and overlap with each other...a drama "aimed toward an encounter" ...iconic dynamic...an interplay of ritual sounds, ritual sights, and kinesthetic. Fellow believers function as sacred icons....a feeling of solidarity arises among the participants creating a special ground for community, influencing the ways in which God is experienced." ⁹(214)

"personal narratives, create an ethos in communion with the Spirit in which the speaker and the audience become one, reinforcing communal participation and testimony as a peculiarity of Pentecostal liturgy."¹⁰ (217)

influence of Black spirituality¹¹ (218)

openness for the participation of women¹² (218)

1M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 207.

2M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

3M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

4M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

5M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 209.

6M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 210.

7M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 211.

8M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 21–213.

9M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 214.

10M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 217.

11M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 218.

12M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 218.

Kliewer

"the more recent a church is, the higher the proportion of women among its members. Women are thus more prepared than men to change their religion or denomination."¹ (316)

"It is clear that the adherents of Evangelical churches are above all based in towns and cities"² (316)

"it may be deduced that the readiness to change religious adherence increases with the move to the town."³

1GU Kliewer 'Effervescent Diversity', The Ecumenical Review 57:3 (2005), 314–321, 316.

2GU Kliewer 'Effervescent Diversity', The Ecumenical Review 57:3 (2005), 314–321, 316.

3GU Kliewer 'Effervescent Diversity', The Ecumenical Review 57:3 (2005), 314–321, 317.

Gouveia ctd

"Enquanto “um lugar”, a igreja define a sua condição de fé, enquanto, “um outro lugar,” alternativo a programação televisiva Pentecostal oferece e facilita, no mesmo momento histórico, acesso aos bens de salvação, que estão faltando aos moradores das grandes cidades, que estão vivendo situações de aflição, desconsolo, desamparo e solidão."¹ (6)

"Dessa forma, configura-se, no Brasil, uma nova visão do que seria o fiel Pentecostal que vive em, concomitância, a fé territorializada e desterritorializada, formando comunidades religiosas de caráter virtual, onde seus membros participam das propostas religiosas, alternando suas presenças, ora nos espaços físicos dos templos, ora, fora deles." ²(6)

"Hoje, os membros das comunidades virtuais pentecostais, encontram-se com as vivências mágicas das orientações bíblicas por meio das gravações em CDs ou DVDs, além de acessarem a internet nos sites de orientação religiosa, vestem-se com as grifes da moda, movimentam, segundo algumas entrevistadas, o mercado informal de grifes pirateadas." ³(6-7)

"As comunidades pentecostais dispõem-se a ministrar pela televisão consolo, alívio ou suavizando aflições, sofrimentos e padecimentos, proporcionando aos seus receptores, mesmo que em estado simulação, sensação agradável de prazer, pondo termo aos sofrimentos e humilhações. Essas novas comunidades formam o que denomin o aqui, de “comunidades eletrônicas de consolo”, comunidades de produção e consumo da fé Pentecostal efetivada à distância."⁴ (7)

"As programações dessas Igrejas apresentam a conversão, por meio de relatos que dialogam com os anseios mais íntimos de seus receptores, promovendo a esperança do encontro da cura, da felicidade, da juventude e da prosperidade econômica. .. expõe os dramas individuais como superados pela fé... As produções televisivas dessas Igrejas estão transformando as vivências religiosas dos templos em espetáculos televisivos, apresentando a realidade cotidiana relida pela ficção. O público receptor, por sua vez, parece aceitar fascinado tal mudança." ⁵(8)

o

claims that a consumerist ideology is portrayed in the IURD and Renascer programmes⁶ (8)

o

Renascer emphasis on complementary nature of sexes, cult of youth ⁷(9-10)

"Nesse contexto, ambas as denominações tendem a colocar as mulheres em lugares privilegiados nas comunidades eletrônicas de consolo, fazendo com que elas assumam papéis de produtoras das programações televisivas (Renascer) e receptoras destacadas (IURD e Renascer) que devem difundir a mensagem Pentecostal para diferentes públicos" (10)

claims that whilst church programmes give greater space to women, do not deal with the issue of power relations⁸ (10-11)

Testimony: although men retain control, women are empowered as narrators and through TV programmes can even form a "new tribe" ⁹

1EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 6.

2EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 6.

3EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 6–7.

4EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 7.

5EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 8.

6EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 8.

7EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 9–10.

8EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 10–11.

9EH Gouveia, 'Entre o Templo e a Televisão: Comunidades Eletrônicas de Consolo', NURES 1:1 (2005), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista1/, 11–12.

Gledhill

joining Pentecostal churches seen as a route out of everyday violence in Brazil¹ (333)

for women, seen as an alternative to gang culture and offering redemption and security for them and their women² (

1J Gledhill, 'Resisting the Global Slum: Politics, Religion and Consumption in the Remaking of Life Worlds in the Twenty-First Century', Bulletin of Latin American Research 25:3, 322–339, 333.

2J Gledhill, 'Resisting the Global Slum: Politics, Religion and Consumption in the Remaking of Life Worlds in the Twenty-First Century', Bulletin of Latin American Research 25:3, 322–339, 334.

Chesnut ctd

Claims cultural factors link pneumacentrism with women (i) traditionally women are seen to be more open to spiritual matters (ii) "For women used to being possessed by their husband and partners, the concept of being taken by the Holy Spirit is natural and logical."¹ (25)

impoverished women "enthusiastically embrace the opportunity to be carried away by a supernatural power from a mundane place of poverty and crime to a heavenly state of bliss...spiritual compensation for hegemonic sexual norms that focus on male gratification to the detriment of female pleasure...outside the walls of temple and terreiro, believers draw on this divine power to confront the tenacious demons of deprivation, such as sub-standard housing, crime, domestic abuse, illness, etc."² (26)

Authority, especially through the gift of prophecy "can challenge the authority and conduct of brothers in the faith."³ (26)

o

healing particularly attractive to women as they are mainly responsible for looking to the welfare of their children⁴ (26-27)

o

attraction of conversion for women: "In demonizing the street, Pentecostalism condemns the very type of behaviour and activity that brought many women to the temple doors in the first place."⁵ (28-29)

provides hope for the conversion of parter ;network of sisters in the faith who share similar problems; possibility of transferring love and desire to Jesus (29)⁶

1RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 25.

2RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 26.

3RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 26.

4RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 26–27.

5RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 28-29.

6RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 29.

Chesnut Pragmatic

"the African diasporan religions, Pentecostalism and the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR) are thriving in the region in large measure due to the popularity of their products among women from the popular classes."¹ (20)

o

in relation to CEBs and Pentecostal communities claims that studies have seen both patriarchal and liberating elements with a prevalence of the latter.² (21)

o

" The appeal of the CCR, diasporan groups, and Pentecostalism is firmly rooted in the crises and affliction that results from the inability of women to realize their practical interests, such as health and family, in the face of grinding poverty."³

1RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 20.

2RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 21.

3RA Chesnut, 'Pragmatic Consumers and Practical Products: The Success of Pneumacentric Religion among Women in Latin America's New Religious Economy' Review of Religious Research 45:1 (2003), 20–31, 21.

Burdick ctd

Pentecostals: 1) judgemental attitude reduced by attributing conflict and discord to the devil 2) offer a viable solution: exorcism. Pentecostals seen as more effective than priests in dealing with the devil¹ (162)

"women who do not become members are seeking mainly a place to /articulate/ a domestic problem; those who convert find in pentecostaism the long-term /resolution/ of their domestic difficulties."² (163)

Pentecostalism "defines in unequivocal fashion proper wifely conduct inside and outside the home, thus eliminating uncertainty about the female role, and sacralizing female submissiveness by appealing to the Pauline epistles."³ (163)

in a machismo context accepting traditional roles may provide greater domestic tranquility⁴ (163)

conversion to pentecostalism seen as a means to influence the behaviour of husbands⁵ (164) even unconverted husbands are effected⁶ (164) women with converted husband have safeguards concerning husbands sexual and domestic behaviour, vigil through gifts of prophecy and vision⁷ (164) role of the pastor in mediating domestic discord; credibility in speaking as a family man⁸

1J Burdick, “Gossip and Secrecy: Women's Articulation of Domestic Conflict in Three Religions of Urban Brazil,” Sociological Analysis51:2153–170, 162.

2J Burdick, “Gossip and Secrecy: Women's Articulation of Domestic Conflict in Three Religions of Urban Brazil,” Sociological Analysis51:2153–170, 163.

3J Burdick, “Gossip and Secrecy: Women's Articulation of Domestic Conflict in Three Religions of Urban Brazil,” Sociological Analysis51:2153–170, 163,

4J Burdick, “Gossip and Secrecy: Women's Articulation of Domestic Conflict in Three Religions of Urban Brazil,” Sociological Analysis51:2153–170, 163.

5J Burdick, “Gossip and Secrecy: Women's Articulation of Domestic Conflict in Three Religions of Urban Brazil,” Sociological Analysis51:2153–170, 164.

6J Burdick, “Gossip and Secrecy: Women's Articulation of Domestic Conflict in Three Religions of Urban Brazil,” Sociological Analysis51:2153–170, 164.

7J Burdick, “Gossip and Secrecy: Women's Articulation of Domestic Conflict in Three Religions of Urban Brazil,” Sociological Analysis51:2153–170, 164.

8J Burdick, “Gossip and Secrecy: Women's Articulation of Domestic Conflict in Three Religions of Urban Brazil,” Sociological Analysis51:2153–170, 164,

Bessa 3

fear of the demonic fear of the feminine¹ (43) marriage way of controlling feminine body² (43) points to domestic literature within neo-pentecostal churches and prominent women writers on spiritual warfare ³(44)

agression as a response to fear of the demonic ⁴(44) points to aggressive songs ⁵(44-45)

despite the greater self-esteem granted to women in neo-pentecostal churches this is done through re-affirming conventional stereotypes, and keeping the feminine under control, especially the feminine body hence the repression of feminine hysteria associated with the demonic ⁶

1DB Bessa, ' A Batalha Espiritual e o Erotismo', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2006), 39–49, 43.

2DB Bessa, ' A Batalha Espiritual e o Erotismo', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2006), 39–49, 43.

3DB Bessa, ' A Batalha Espiritual e o Erotismo', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2006), 39–49, 44.

4DB Bessa, ' A Batalha Espiritual e o Erotismo', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2006), 39–49, 44.

5DB Bessa, ' A Batalha Espiritual e o Erotismo', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2006), 39–49, 44–45.

6DB Bessa, ' A Batalha Espiritual e o Erotismo', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2006), 39–49, 45–48.

Bergunder 3

Brusco: emancipation of women in Pentecostal churches, neutralisation of machismo. Intermediate point between machismo and feminism; which is attractive for many family oriented women. ¹(168)

Burdick: increasing social engagement especially where Catholics do not already control associations and movements. Although poverty may be tolerated radical impoverishment is not. Lay people often have more radical views than pastors.²

1M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 168.

2M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 169.