Garner et all Sources of resentment

Note that research was done with 43 people in four monocultural areas of Britain.
Racism not only about physical but also about cultural differences.
“where social and environmental conditions were better, there was, as a general rule, less apparent hostility to minorities.”
“By far the most frequent context for referring to ethnic minorities is that of perceived competition for resources- typically housing, but also employment, benefits, territory and culture.”
Onus for integration being placed on immigrants.
Integration seen as synonymous with assimilation.
“Placing the bouindary between ‘us’ and ‘them’ in a different place...does not abolish the boundary. The people forming ‘them’ are still racialised.”
“broadly speaking, people who interact more frequently and on an equal footing outside the workplace exhibit less prejudice than those who do not.”
Claims (in an indirect reference to the MORI poll) that there are in-built biases of polls showing immigration as an issue of major concern. Claim that when people are not prompted immigration does not score so highly.
Significant fear that the quality of services on offer are so poor that they cannot be extended to new arrivals.
Language barrier as a key issue in integration.
Emphasise information gap, especially on housing and entitlement to benefits as a major issue in promoting tension.

Moxon

Claims of widespread failure within the Home Office's Immigration and Nationality Directorate1 (1)
claims that “Britain is currently sustaining uncontrolled mass net immigration”2 (2)
“honesty about immigration looks like the thin end of a highly interesting wedge that could benefit us all.”3 (3)
affirms that the problem with migration is that those coming are unskilled and unsocialised in Western ways.4 (4-5)
“It is undeniable that these communities are necessarily divisive in their very presence within the cities where they are located.”5 (6)
note the use of a military analogy, in which immigration officers are presented as the “front line” protecting the country from attack.6 (7)

affirms that there is a lack of numbers and resources to support the work of immigration officers.7 (9)
denies that there is economic benefit from migration.8 (44-58) (1) no imminent decline in native population9 (45) (2) pension crises easily resolved by simple reforms such as ending compulsory retirement and raising retirement age.10 (45-47) (3) loss of jobs by native workers, and fall in wages11 (47) (4) cost in providing social services for migrants12 (48)
blames the importing of unskilled migrant workers for the industrial decline of Northern cities at a time when technological investment was required.13 (49)
claims that migration increases inequality in UK (a) employers benefit more than workers (b) inequality amongst migrants.14
counters Home Office claims that UK is 2-3 billion p/a better off with immigration claiming that it does not include many neglected costs.15
seems to suggest that migration is to blame for many men becoming unattractive to women because they cannot support themselves.16
points to abuse in the Work Permit system17
“problem of the free rider invading a host society from outside”18
claims the victim of migration is the “work ing class male”19
negative focus on Asian enclaves, especially those of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin.20
defends Ron Atkinsons use of “nigger” to refer to Desailly, and other expressions such as “Paki” and “Wog.” In part based upon the use of derogatory terms for whites by other ethnic groups.21
complains about anti-white racism, especially “mugging” which he presents as a black hate crime against whites.22
denies that there was any significant immigrant component to the British population prior to the post WWII period.23
denies any significant link between immigration and colonialism24 (argues that British wealth came from Industrial revolution not empire; but does not deal with impact of Empire on former colonies)
points to the lack of investigation in the case of student visas, suggests this is a form of coming in as an economic migrant.25
criticism of the impact of immigrants, on the NHS, especially those who come specifically for treatment.26
“poor whites at all levels strongly dislike immigration...there is another section of the population that consistently feels most antagonized of all... 'Middle Englanders' who are neither poor nor well-off”27
hostility of ME-s to immigrants who have no cultural background in the country yet benefit from the welfare system.28
“Mori found that satisfaction with local government had a very strong inverse relation to the proportion of ethnic minorities in an area.”29




1S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 1.
2S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 2.
3S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 3.
4S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 4–5.
5S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 6.
6S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 7.
7S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 9.
8S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 44–58.
9S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 45.
10S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 45-47.
11S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 47.
12S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 48.
13S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 49.
14S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 50.
15S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 51.
16S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 53.
17S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 56–57.
18S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 73.
19S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 74.
20S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 97–113.
21S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 114–128.
22S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 128–132.
23S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 135.
24S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 135–137.
25S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 140–145.
26S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 175–187.
27S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 199.
28S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 200–201.
29S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 202.

Datta Work

Claims London is increasingly characterised by inequality in the labour market, especially with the expansion of lowly paid jobs occupied by migrants.1 suggest that these migrants keep London going by their presence in the “public reproductive and services sector”2
“The most recent, and perhaps most contested in terms of definition, has been a focus on
transnationalism and transmigration. This approach stresses the interconnections and networks
developed among migrant groups between source and destinations areas and how social, cultural
and economic fields often become transnational in nature”3


Britain “neo-liberal” policies: 1) decline in manufacturing 2) expansion of service industry, both in the banking, finance and creative industries, and in the low paid jobs 3) less secure employment for low paid jobs through subcontracting, agency staffing and temporary employment 4) decline in trade union power 5) creation of a “migrant division of labour”4 London: 1 in 7 workers under £5.8 an hour threshold; 1 in 5 under £6.7 an hour threshold.5
“Many of those in the lower echelons of the labour market are migrants. Indeed, London receives
around one-third of all migrants to the UK and it is estimated that between 1975 and 2000, some
450,000 migrants migrated to London (Hamnett, 2003). Furthermore, many of these migrants were
recent arrivals. Drawing on the latest Labour Survey Force (2002/2003) and the 2001 UK Census,
Spence (2005) notes that out of the 2 million Londoners born outside of the UK, 23% arrived in
this country before 1970, and 45% arrived after 1990. The ethnic profile of migrants is also diverse
with Whites constituting the largest group (40%), followed by Asians (27%) and Blacks (20%).
Also significant is that the majority of London’s migrants come from the Global South (70%), with
India, Bangladesh, Jamaica, Nigeria, Pakistan and Kenya providing the largest groups. Migrants
now account for 35% of the working age population and 29% of the total population in the capital
(ibid). Furthermore, these figures do not account for informal workers, including undocumented
migrants, so that the true size of the economically active migrant workforce is likely to be higher
than that reported officially”6


“London migrants have much lower employment rates (65%) than Londoners born in the UK (78%),
although migrants from developing countries show lower employment rates (61%) than those from
developed economies (75%); the latter are more likely to work in professional and managerial
occupations, while the former are concentrated in services and especially the hotel and restaurant
sectors. Moreover, migrants constitute 46% of all workers in typically low-paid ‘elementary’
occupations, such as labourers, postal workers, porters, catering staff and cleaners. People from
Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Eastern Europe and South Asia often find it especially hard to
secure well-paid work, even if arriving in the UK with good skills and high level qualifications”7
Migrant acceptance of jobs which do not match their educational qualifications, with nearly half of those sampled having “tertiary level qualifications.”8 often involves a sense of loss of dignity.9
income maximisation achieved through working long hours, including overtime at normal rates of pay, with implications on leisure and family time. Students often forced to exceed the 20 hours limitations on their work.10 extra jobs taken on, especially in catering and cleaning.11 continuous changing between jobs.12 very low up take of state benefits, even in cases where migrants were eligible.13
multi-earner households, and restriction on consumption patterns.14
household sharing and reduction in utility bills.15
use of networks to share information about work, tendency of managers/supervisors to employ workers from a similar background.16 use of networks to share information about housing and cheap consumption patterns.17
ethnic identity and ethnic networks acting as a barrier to encourage a “migrant” identity/solidarity.18
hostility between different ethnic groups, increased with A8 accession.19
“The existence of such exclusion on ethnic based grounds and the existence of fractured or
‘perverse’ social capital potentially undermines the creation of community-based coping strategies
on class-based grounds.”20
“However, despite these divisions, from an organisational point of view, it appears that faith-based
organisations are potentially the most appropriate fora through which trade unions and migrant
groups can organise to address and overcome the exploitative conditions of work in global cities
like London”21
1K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 1.
2K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 1.
3K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 2.
4K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 3–4.
5K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 6.
6K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 7.
7K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 7.
8K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 10.
9K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 11.
10K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 11–12.
11K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 12–13.
12K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 13.
13K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 14–15.
14K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 15–16.
15K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 16–17.
16K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 17.
17K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 18.
18K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 19.
19K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 19–20.
20K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 20.
21K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 22.

Muir

Hounslow as ethnically diverse, with immigrants tending to occupy different sectors.1
concern for community cohesion built up after riots in Burnley, Bradford and Oldham in 2001.2 concern increased with 9/11 and 7/7; difficulty for government to balance need for security and the damage of intrusive measures.3

London: 2001 census 59.7% declared themselves to be “White British” compared to 89.4% elsewhere.4
Although greater acceptance of cultural diversity in London, lower indicators of social capital.5 reasons (1) high incidence of single person households (2) international and inter-regional migration (3) high rates of residential mobility.6
high incidence of child poverty; income polarisation, competition for social housing, unemployment7
follows Putnam in distinguishing between bonding social capital, which is inward focused, and bridging social capital which is outward focused.8
points to Hounslow as one of the most ethnically diverse boroughs in London, whose ethnic population 35% in 2001 is expected to grow to 50% in 2010.9
residential discrimination and rise of extremism in Hounslow although on the whole relatively good relations.10

Hayes

Migration is courageous, yet stories of migrants are often ignored to justify restrictive controls.1

“Those 'outsiders' we currently wish to control continue to be presented as a drain on the resources of the nation, despite their economic contribution... Those citizen 'insiders' are then encouraged to see themselves as part of and benefiting from the nation, and as fundamentally different and superior to the 'outsider', who should not enjoy the same rights. Who those 'outsiders' are remains the product of racism....encompasses new layers of the world's poor and dispossessed.” 2

“New Labour are all too aware of the support which can be gained by breeding popular nationalism based on fears of immigration.”3

claims that citizenship tests and oaths involve a “narrow view of nation.”4

critiques an “idea of nation which makes it appear natural for us to restrict our resources to our own.”5

emergence of the welfare state linked with improving national stock, therefore benefits were not to be accessible to aliens.6

“Here we see the centrality of the question of welfare in immigration control. At the heart of machinery is the need to let in only those who will be economically useful to the British nation and not likely to require welfare.”7 actually describing early 20th century.

1967 differential fees for international students; 1982 NHS charges for overseas visitors imposed.8

“anyone who is not a citizen with the right of abode is subject to the immigration rules which control who can come and stay before, during and after entry.”9

care in the community functions exclude those subject to immigration control.10


1D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 12.

2D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 13.

3D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 14.

4D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 15.

5D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 16.

6D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 16–18.

7D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 17–18.

8D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 19.

9D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 20.

10D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 22.

Moxon

claims of widespread failure within the Home Office's Immigration and Nationality Directorate¹ (1)

claims that “Britain is currently sustaining uncontrolled mass net immigration”² (2)

“honesty about immigration looks like the thin end of a highly interesting wedge that could benefit us all.”³ (3)

affirms that the problem with migration is that those coming are unskilled and unsocialised in Western ways.⁴ (4-5)

“It is undeniable that these communities are necessarily divisive in their very presence within the cities where they are located.”⁵ (6)

note the use of a military analogy, in which immigration officers are presented as the “front line” protecting the country from attack.⁶ (7)

affirms that there is a lack of numbers and resources to support the work of immigration officers.⁷ (9)

denies that there is economic benefit from migration.⁸ (44-58) (1) no imminent decline in native population⁹ (45) (2) pension crises easily resolved by simple reforms such as ending compulsory retirement and raising retirement age.¹⁰ (45-47) (3) loss of jobs by native workers, and fall in wages¹¹ (47) (4) cost in providing social services for migrants¹² (48)

blames the importing of unskilled migrant workers for the industrial decline of Northern cities at a time when technological investment was required.¹³ (49)

claims that migration increases inequality in UK (a) employers benefit more than workers (b) inequality amongst migrants.¹⁴

counters Home Office claims that UK is 2-3 billion p/a better off with immigration claiming that it does not include many neglected costs.¹⁵

seems to suggest that migration is to blame for many men becoming unattractive to women because they cannot support themselves.¹⁶

points to abuse in the Work Permit system¹⁷

“problem of the free rider invading a host society from outside”¹⁸

claims the victim of migration is the “work ing class male”¹⁹

1S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 1.

2S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 2.

3S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 3.

4S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 4–5.

5S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 6.

6S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 7.

7S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 9.

8S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 44–58.

9S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 45.

10S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 45-47.

11S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 47.

12S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 48.

13S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 49.

14S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 50.

15S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 51.

16S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 53.

17S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 56–57.

18S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 73.

19S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 74.

Solomos

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Increase in concern over race and immigration in Britain, US and Europe in the last two decades. 1) “resurgence of racist social and political movements…partly because of the mobilisation of anti-immigrant sentiments.” Issue of new forms of migration, asylum seekers and refugees.¹

Refers to “the shifting tides of public opinion on such issues as religious differences, refugee and asylum policy, immigration and more recently illegal immigrants.”²

In Britain refers to “racialisation” in “employment, housing, education and alw and order.”³

Refers to Miles’ claim of a contradiction between “on the one hand the need of the capitalist world economy for the mobility of human beings, and on the other, the drawing of territorial boundaries and the construction of citizenship as a legal category which sets boundaries for human mobility.”⁴

Goldberg: movement from racism to racisms.⁵

“In numerical terms Irish migration to Britain over the past two centuries has been far greater than immigration by other groups. Yet there has been little direct state intervention to regulate immigration and settlement, particularly compared with the state's response to Jewish and black migrations.”⁶ liassez faire approach did not mean lack of hostility towards Irish immigrants.⁷

“images of the racial or cultural inferiority of the Irish were based not only on particular ideological constructions of the Irish but also on the definition of Englishness or Anglo-Saxon culture in terms of particular racial and cultural attributes. In later years such images of uniqueness and purity of Englishness were to prove equally important in political debates on black migration and settlement.”⁸

outlines the negative response to Jewish migration in the late 19^th and early 20^th century. Exemplified in the Alien Order Act which established the concept of “alien” and the tool of “deportation”. ⁹ re: threat of fascism “there was political reluctance to act decisevely to help Jewish refugees because of widespread anti-Semitism in British society.”¹⁰

Harris “a central theme of the debates on black communities during the interwar period was the supposed social problems to which their presence gave rise”¹¹

“early immigration legislation was concerned with the entry into Britain of people who by law were aliens, that is, non-British citizens.”¹²

“the two most common responses to black immigration and settlement in this period [interwar] were political debates on the need to control their arrival and calls for the repatriation of those who had already settled in Britain.”¹³

“immigration and race were contested issues long before the arrival of large numbers of black colonial immigrants from 1945.”¹⁴

1 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 3.

2 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 4.

3 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 7.

4 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 27

5 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 30.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 38.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 39.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 39.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 40–44.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 44.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 44.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 45.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 47.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 48.

Solomos

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points to how an intrinsic connection has developed between immigration and black immigration and how “successive governments have attempted to regulate and eventually halt the arrival of black immigrants through immigration legislation and other means.”¹

immediately after the second World War most migration to Britain was temporal from Europe encouraged by government.² “even at this early stage black migration and settlement was perceived differently from European migration. Privately the government was considering the most desirable method of discouraging or preventing the arrival of 'coloured' British citizens from the colonies.”³ points to the fact that they had the legal right to enter Britain, confirmed in the British Nationality Act of 1948.⁴

“Throughout the period [1950s] an increasingly racialised debate on immigration took place, focusing on the supposed social problems of having too many black immigrants and the question of how they could be stopped from entering.”⁵

“from 1948 to 1962 the state was involved in a complex political and ideological racialisation of immigrantion policy.”⁶ “By 1952 Labour and Conservative governments had instituted a number of convert and sometimes illegal administrative measures to discourage black immigration.”⁷ “before and after the riots [1958] the question of control was integrated into the policy agenda.”⁸ sees this as the period in which the argument for the need of state intervention to slow down black immigration and the “social problems” it caused gained force.⁹

“the debates on black immigration during the 1950s reinforced a racialised construction of Britishness that excluded or included people on the ground of race, defined by colour”¹⁰

despite 1958 riots in Nottingham and Notting Hill being attacks on blacks they nonetheless used as examples of the dangers of “unrestricted immigration”.¹¹

racialisation of immigration done through a “coded language”¹²

rather than seeing the state as responding either to pressure from public opinion or “the economic interests of the capitalist class” defends that the state had an active role in shaping the racialisation of the immigration debate.¹³

interprets the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrans act as designed to target black immigration.¹⁴ points to the fact that the Labour Party did not sustain its opposition to the act and when in power produced an even stricter “white paper on immigration” which is seen as the convergance of Conservative and Labour views on the subject.¹⁵

Significant episodes 1) victory of an anti-Immigration Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths, in Smethwick in 1964.¹⁶ 2) the arrival of East African Asians from Kenya and Uganda and the Labour 1968 Act deliberately target at them.¹⁷ Powell –significant for the defence of compulsory repatriation and construction of the image of “white Britains becoming 'strangers' in their 'own country'¹⁸

1J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 48.

2J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 49–51.

3J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 51.

4J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 51.

5J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 52.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 52.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 52–53.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 53.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 53.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 54.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 54.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 56.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 56–57.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 57–59.

15J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 59.

16J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 59–60.

17J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 60–61.

18J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 61.

Solomos

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Significant episodes 1) victory of an anti-Immigration Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths, in Smethwick in 1964.¹ 2) the arrival of East African Asians from Kenya and Uganda and the Labour 1968 Act deliberately target at them.² Powell –significant for the defence of compulsory repatriation and construction of the image of “white Britains becoming 'strangers' in their 'own country'³

“In summary the decade 1961–1971 saw the introduction of three major pieces of legislation aimed largely at excluding black immigrants.”⁴

“Conservative Party [inc. Thatcher] chose to emphasise the supposed dangers posed to British social and cultural values by the black and ethnic minority people already settled in Britain.”⁵

Three main areas of Conservative action in government 1979–1997: 1) tightening of immigration controls 2) British nationality act 3) dealing with the issue of asylum seekers and refugees.⁶

1981 Nationality Act: created three kinds of ctizenship (British Citizen British Dependent Territories Citizen and British Overseas Citizen) effectively “enshrining racially discriminatory provisions [MacDonald and Blake]”⁷

black communities identified as the source of community problems.⁸

lack of concrete evidence in this period to substantiate claims of the nation being swamped.⁹

“In summary the Thatcher and Major eras can be seen as a time in which concerns about immigration, asylum seekers and refugees became entangled with wider preoccupations about the social and cultural impact of migrant communities, leading to the institutionalisation of an exclusionary framework that sought to restrict immigration.”¹⁰

Whilst in opposition discourse of Labour party developed to regard immigration laws as racist, and the need for firm laws which were “both non-racist and non-sexist.”¹¹

“illustrate New Labour's concern with being tough, and being seen to be tough, on immigration.”¹²

Describes the provisions of the 1999 Immigration and Asylum act as “draconion” particularly 1) the voucher scheme2) enforced dispersal 3) detention scheme 4) carrier's liability¹³

2000 Race Relations Act “exempted from its remit immigration and nationality decisions provided for in statutes or expressly required or authorised by ministers” ministers not allowed to discriminate based on race or colour but allowed based on ethnic and national origin.¹⁴

extension of detention facilities for families.¹⁵

concerning Hattersly's formula affirmed that “ the rationale behind this argument was never articulated clearly, but it was at least partly based on the idea that the fewer immigrants....there were, the easier it would be to integrate them into the English way of life and its social and cultural values.”¹⁶

1J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 59–60.

2J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 60–61.

3J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 61.

4J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 64.

5J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 64.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 64.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 65.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 66.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 66–67.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 68.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 69.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 71.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 72–73.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 74.

15J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 75.

16J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 81.

Solomos

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refers to the difference between direct discrimination and indirect discrimination.¹

“from the very earliest stages of the migration process a number of local authorities, pressure groups and individuals raised the question of the impact of immigration on their localities.”²

at a local level issues such as “housing, employment and social problems” are linked in popular perception to immigration.³

“[Powell's] emphasis on the social and cultural changes brought about by immigration helped to create or recreate an understanding of Englishness or Britishness that was based on the notion of shared history, customs and kinship, which effectively excluded black and ethnic minorities from membership”⁴ “From this perspective the loss of Britain's national identity was due to the failure of the nation to recognise the repercussions of immigration on the national culture.”⁵

New Right move from “nativism and anti-immigration “ to seeing “the very presence of black and ethnic minority communities...as a threat to the way of life and culture of white citizens.”⁶ minorities presented as an “enemy within”⁷

“In practice the most resonant themes in racial discourses were not absolute notions of racial superiority, but the threats that black and minority communities presented to the cultural, political and religious homogeneity of white British society.”⁸

Thatcher's concern for preserving the “British nation” and “British character” linked to Conservatives taking votes from the National Front.⁹

points to the way negative social and cultural attributes are linked with terms such as “refugees” and “economic migrants”¹⁰

points to the development of anti-antiracist attitudes amongst the right.¹¹

difficulty in developing “the acid test for who is and who is not English or British?”¹²

uncertainty over the meaning of Englishness or Britishness due to the changes national identity has been subjected to.¹³

British dilemma “of what kind of multicultural society it should become.”¹⁴

Tory dilemma of being part of Europe without losing British identity.¹⁵

“One of the trends that became clear during the 1980s and 1990s was the attempt to reinvent a British national identity in line with its historical image as an 'island race'”¹⁶ points to the role of the Rushdie affair in shaping this debate.¹⁷

“is clear that the debate on immigration was as much about perceived dangers to British national identity as it was about the potential number of immigrants.¹⁸

entaglement of the labour party in the debate on British/English identity.¹⁹

New Labour's attempt to balance expressions of patriotism with an embrace of mutliculturalism. After race riots in 2001 and 9/11 “there was a noticeable shift in political language on immigration and race relations.”²⁰ refers to Blunkett's suggestion of a “British test”.²¹ increasing unease at the boundaries of multiculturalism.²²

“rather than questioning and challenging the moral panic that has broken out over the question of refugees and asylum seekers New Labour has...added to it.”²³

Emphasis on “social cohesion” and “integration”²⁴

“Labour's time in power may come to be seen as a tragic missed opportunity to “think the unthinkable” and “do the undoable”.²⁵

1J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 84.

2J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 95.

3J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 96.

4J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 172.

5J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 173.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 177.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 184.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 187–189.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 210.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211.

15J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211–212.

16J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 212.

17J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211–215.

18J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 218.

19J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 219.

20J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

21J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

22J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

23J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 253.

24J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 254.

25J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 254,

Stone

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points to a schizophrenic policy of Labour (historically) on race (but applicable to immigration?)¹

refers to “bi-partisan political support for racial discrimination on the issue of entry into the United Kingdom.”²

1J Stone & H Lasus, “Immigration and ethnic relations in Britain and America” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 221–238, 223.

2J Stone & H Lasus, “Immigration and ethnic relations in Britain and America” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 221–238, 224.

Spencer

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S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95.

Quotes Roy Hattersley “Without integration, limitation is inexcusable; without limitation, integration is impossible.”¹

“The bi-partisan consensus that firm immigration control is the prerequisite of good race relations rests on the assumption that the hostility which some white people feel towards black and Asian people would be exacerbated if they believed that their entry into the country was not effectively controlled.”²

points to the way in which successive governments have failed to convince public opinion that immigration is under control, and the generally negative, and exaggerated, opinions regarding immigration in the general public.³

“Although it has become less socially acceptable to express negative views about black and Asian people within the United Kingdom, fewer inhibitions constrain expressions of such views about immigrants, foreigners, and, in recent years, refugees.”⁴

points to scholars (Jim Rose & Shamit Saggar) who suggest that politicians were responsible for fostering anti-immigration feeling with their emphasis on legislation.⁵

(writing in 1998) “Public fears that immigration is out of control are thus not justified. It has become increasingly difficult to enter the United Kingdom and numbers have fallen significantly over the last twenty years”.⁶

“the message sent to the public by immigration policy, that particular kinds of foreigners would not be welcome members of British society is in direct contradiction to the message relayed by government race relations policy- that existing members of minority communities in Britain should be accepted as equal members of society.”⁷ Quotes Roy Hattersley “if we cannot afford to let them in, those of them who are here already must be doing harm.”⁸

points to the way in which Immigration controls were targeted against Black and Asian immigrants.⁹ “In order to protect that legislation from challenge under the race discrimination legislation, immigrant law and its enforcement were and remain exempt from its provisions.”¹⁰

“It has been in the presentation of immigration policy that politicians have reinforced so forcefully the message that particular kinds of foreigners are unwelcome in the United Kingdom.”¹¹

points to the fact that after Thatcher's claim in 1978 that British people were afraid of being swamped by people from alien cultures a poll indicated that the number of people who considered immigration an urgent issue rose from 9% to 21%.¹²

“Once government decides to appease rather than assuage public concern, new measures have to be proposed to show that something is being done. Loopholes are identified, rule changes proposed, appeal rights abolished, time-limits shortened, defences removed.”¹³

“Post-war immigration to Britain has, it appears, contributed to a national identity crisis. Having lost its imperial, military, economic and sporting prowess, Britain is no longer confident of its role and cultural identity.” results in fear of the arrival of those with different customs.¹⁴ “There has been a clear resistance to updating Britain's self-image to accommodate the multicultural reality of British society and its history.”¹⁵

Against an open door policy points to 1) reality of strong fears of immigration 2) “Immigrants who settle in the United Kingdom must be entitled to the same civil, political, social and economic rights and benefits as other residents. To suggest otherwise would be to concede a future two-tier society of those who really belong and those who do not. Employment is not available to all who need it and social and economic rights...are expensive.”¹⁶

points to the Canadian declaration which is defined mainly in terms of positive goals and contrasts it with the “defensive, largely negative, tone of the United Kingdom's aims”¹⁷

“Let us reject, once and for all, the message of tolerance. Tolerance is what we feel for those whom we disapporve of, or dislike, but nevertheless feel obliged to be civil to.”¹⁸

1S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 74.

2S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 74.

3S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

4S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

5S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

6S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

7S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

8S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

9S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77–80.

10S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 78.

11S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

12S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

13S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

14S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 83.

15S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 83.

16S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 84.

17S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 85.

18S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 90.