Rutter

Addition of 2 million people to the foreign-born population resident in the UK.1 contrary to previous migration, this involves people from countries without historical ties to the UK and less familiar with the language, culture and practices.2 Since 1997 emergence of many new ethnic communities.3
Claims that at a time when the government has sought to make taking up citizenship more meaningful, “supermobility” has meant that less migrants are eligible or interested in taking up citizenship, making the use of naturalisation as a a means to promote integration less effective.4
points out that whilst net migration has increased, the emigration of both British citizens and non-British residents has increased substantially since the 1990s.5 “migrationflowshavebecomemore
diverse,with more people arriving from a larger range of countries for a more diverse set of reasons”6 increased diversity in the foreign born population.7


table with the 35/36 highest foreign-born populations in UK; note that Brazil does not appear, as Singapore in 35 has a population in 2007 of 41,800 this raises questions about the 180,000 Brazilians in the UK claim.8


“about a third of all foreign-born people currently in the UK,oraround2millionpeople,have been in the UK for five years or less. Around half have been here for 10 years or less....While a fifth of immigrants in 1997 had arrived within the previous five-year period, this proportion had increased to a quarter in 2002 and stands currently a ta third. At the other end of
the spectrum,the proportion of immigrants who had been in the UK for20 years or more fell from around a half in 1997 to a third in 2007.”9 Increase in temporary and circular migration,10 Reasons (1) behaviour of Central and Eastern Europe migrants (2) Skilled migrants who come with work permits much less likely to choose settlement11 (3) International students, increase in numbers returning (except last two years (i) encouraged to work by government policy (ii) longer studies –one reason not explored is fear of not being able to return with tighter entry controls.)12 (4) asylum seekers situation often temporary (v) irregular migrants not granted settlement.13
refers to the challenge to cohesion and integration caused by the increased mobility of these migrants within the UK.14
refers to the emergence of a group of “denizens” who have access to some of the entitlements of citizenship, but not all.15
40% of migrants eligible to take up British citizenship choose not to do so.16 the lower the income in the country of origin, the more likely to take up citizenship.17 suggest that whilst naturalisation might increase, the number of migrants choosing to naturalise might also.18
reasons for taking up passport in survey 1) advantages (thus less for EU nationals) 2) facilitates emigration to USA/Canada 3) security from removal.19
Migrant perspective on integration facilitated by 1) secure immigration status 2) tolerance 3) employment 4) fluency in English 5) social networks 6) support from advisers/ professionals.20
Social interaction: although many have friends outside of their community process complicated by 1) language barriers 2) many here only for the short term 3) low income, multijobs, little leisure time 4) rejection by the British majority.21 migrants more religiously active than British population.22
highly educated and established involved in volunteering.23
Primary attachment to the UK emerges with length of residence, owning property and having children; many feel attached to the UK but not connected to their local community. For some home is both here and there.24
personal and idiosyncratic notions of Britishness often attached to freedom and security.25
note the attempt to move away from ethnic nationalism towards a civic nationalism, based on rights, values, institutions and language.26 Critics still claim that this resorts to “irrelevant mythologies and imagined communities.”27 and still end up with white people policing what it means to be British.28 It is in the context of insecurity about British identity, the spread of far right ideas amongst white working class and the fear of religious extremism, that the concern for citizenship ceremonies and tests has emerged.29
claim that progressive citizenship policy should seek to integrate short-term and circular migrants.30
critiques the high cost attached to naturalisation.31 need to make naturalisation a positive experience, rather than one done to avoid negative consequences.32 suggest extending the right for registered migrants to vote in local elections.33 need for a national strategy of volunteering.34 Both local councils and universities and colleges should have strategies for integration.35
1J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 5.
2J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 5.
3J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 5.
4J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 5.
5J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 6.
6J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 6.
7J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 7.
8J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 7.
9J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 8.
10J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 8.
11J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 9.
12J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 9–10.
13J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 10.
14J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 10–11.
15J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 11.
16J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 13.
17J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 14.
18J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 14.
19J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 15–16.
20J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 16.
21J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 17.
22J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 17.
23J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 18.
24J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 18–19.
25J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 19.
26J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 21.
27J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 22.
28J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 22.
29J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 22.
30J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 23.
31J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008)24.
32J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 24.
33J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 25.
34J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 25.
35J Rutter, M Latorre & D Sriskandarajah, Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Supermobility, A Research Report for the Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review (London: IPPR, 2008) 26.

Muir

Points to the challenge to the “relatively hands-off” approach Britain has traditionally taken in relation to identity and citizenship caused by the threat of terror and the impact of globalization.1

2006 Mori Poll 40% see immigration as a major issue.2

“Sociologists have found that while (contrary to much media speculation) segregation in the UK is not increasing, it does remain high for certain groups in certain parts of the country”3

claims that new identity politics has set itself as against multi-culturalism which is believed to have gone to far and to be responsible for segregation.4

involves a stress on local identity, seen as essential to promote community cohesion.5

social cohesion can be promoted through: (1) tackling discrimination 2) tackling social inequality; many tensions caused when those on low income have to compete for welfare 3) cultural change through shared action (to increase contact), shared values, essentially those of citizenship (through citizenship education/tests, etc...) and shared identities 6

Promoting shared identity seen to have the specific contribution of promoting emotional attachment and a sense of solidarity.7

“Promoting shared identities can be no substitute for the difficult task of reducing social and economic inequalities.”8

Process of promoting shared identity should not be seen as a substitute for multiculturalism, which is a way of respecting difference within common institutions.9

“Rather than focusing on the much contested concept of multiculturalism, those who worry about segregation might do better to focus on the wide array of structural factors that in some parts of the country have allowed parallel lives to develop. These include the housing market, school choice and the poverty and low levels of social mobility that are acute for many minority groups.”10

“It is much easier for new migrant communities to retain links with their homelands or fellow immigrants in other countries than was once the case. In this context the role of institutions such as the BBC or the mainstream press in helping to define our collective experience as a society is much weaker than it was in the past, when many more people watched the same programmes and read the same papers.”11

points to a celebration of democracy, multiculturalism, music, arts, sport and heritage as means of developing a more open sense of British identity.12

1R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 4.

2R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 5.

3R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 5.

4R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 5.

5R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 6.

6R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 7–8.

7R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 8–9.

8R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 10.

9R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 10.

10R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 10

11R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 14.

12R Muir, The New Identity Politics, (London: IPPR, 2007) 15–16.

Hayes

Migration is courageous, yet stories of migrants are often ignored to justify restrictive controls.1

“Those 'outsiders' we currently wish to control continue to be presented as a drain on the resources of the nation, despite their economic contribution... Those citizen 'insiders' are then encouraged to see themselves as part of and benefiting from the nation, and as fundamentally different and superior to the 'outsider', who should not enjoy the same rights. Who those 'outsiders' are remains the product of racism....encompasses new layers of the world's poor and dispossessed.” 2

“New Labour are all too aware of the support which can be gained by breeding popular nationalism based on fears of immigration.”3

claims that citizenship tests and oaths involve a “narrow view of nation.”4

critiques an “idea of nation which makes it appear natural for us to restrict our resources to our own.”5

emergence of the welfare state linked with improving national stock, therefore benefits were not to be accessible to aliens.6

“Here we see the centrality of the question of welfare in immigration control. At the heart of machinery is the need to let in only those who will be economically useful to the British nation and not likely to require welfare.”7 actually describing early 20th century.

1967 differential fees for international students; 1982 NHS charges for overseas visitors imposed.8

“anyone who is not a citizen with the right of abode is subject to the immigration rules which control who can come and stay before, during and after entry.”9

care in the community functions exclude those subject to immigration control.10


1D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 12.

2D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 13.

3D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 14.

4D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 15.

5D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 16.

6D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 16–18.

7D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 17–18.

8D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 19.

9D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 20.

10D Hayes, “History and Context: The Impact of Immigration Control on Welfare Delivery” in D Hayes and B Humphries (eds) , Social Work, Immigration and Asylum, (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2004) 11–28, 22.

Solomos

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refers to the difference between direct discrimination and indirect discrimination.¹

“from the very earliest stages of the migration process a number of local authorities, pressure groups and individuals raised the question of the impact of immigration on their localities.”²

at a local level issues such as “housing, employment and social problems” are linked in popular perception to immigration.³

“[Powell's] emphasis on the social and cultural changes brought about by immigration helped to create or recreate an understanding of Englishness or Britishness that was based on the notion of shared history, customs and kinship, which effectively excluded black and ethnic minorities from membership”⁴ “From this perspective the loss of Britain's national identity was due to the failure of the nation to recognise the repercussions of immigration on the national culture.”⁵

New Right move from “nativism and anti-immigration “ to seeing “the very presence of black and ethnic minority communities...as a threat to the way of life and culture of white citizens.”⁶ minorities presented as an “enemy within”⁷

“In practice the most resonant themes in racial discourses were not absolute notions of racial superiority, but the threats that black and minority communities presented to the cultural, political and religious homogeneity of white British society.”⁸

Thatcher's concern for preserving the “British nation” and “British character” linked to Conservatives taking votes from the National Front.⁹

points to the way negative social and cultural attributes are linked with terms such as “refugees” and “economic migrants”¹⁰

points to the development of anti-antiracist attitudes amongst the right.¹¹

difficulty in developing “the acid test for who is and who is not English or British?”¹²

uncertainty over the meaning of Englishness or Britishness due to the changes national identity has been subjected to.¹³

British dilemma “of what kind of multicultural society it should become.”¹⁴

Tory dilemma of being part of Europe without losing British identity.¹⁵

“One of the trends that became clear during the 1980s and 1990s was the attempt to reinvent a British national identity in line with its historical image as an 'island race'”¹⁶ points to the role of the Rushdie affair in shaping this debate.¹⁷

“is clear that the debate on immigration was as much about perceived dangers to British national identity as it was about the potential number of immigrants.¹⁸

entaglement of the labour party in the debate on British/English identity.¹⁹

New Labour's attempt to balance expressions of patriotism with an embrace of mutliculturalism. After race riots in 2001 and 9/11 “there was a noticeable shift in political language on immigration and race relations.”²⁰ refers to Blunkett's suggestion of a “British test”.²¹ increasing unease at the boundaries of multiculturalism.²²

“rather than questioning and challenging the moral panic that has broken out over the question of refugees and asylum seekers New Labour has...added to it.”²³

Emphasis on “social cohesion” and “integration”²⁴

“Labour's time in power may come to be seen as a tragic missed opportunity to “think the unthinkable” and “do the undoable”.²⁵

1J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 84.

2J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 95.

3J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 96.

4J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 172.

5J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 173.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 177.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 184.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 187–189.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 210.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211.

15J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211–212.

16J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 212.

17J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211–215.

18J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 218.

19J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 219.

20J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

21J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

22J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

23J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 253.

24J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 254.

25J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 254,

Spencer

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S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95.

Quotes Roy Hattersley “Without integration, limitation is inexcusable; without limitation, integration is impossible.”¹

“The bi-partisan consensus that firm immigration control is the prerequisite of good race relations rests on the assumption that the hostility which some white people feel towards black and Asian people would be exacerbated if they believed that their entry into the country was not effectively controlled.”²

points to the way in which successive governments have failed to convince public opinion that immigration is under control, and the generally negative, and exaggerated, opinions regarding immigration in the general public.³

“Although it has become less socially acceptable to express negative views about black and Asian people within the United Kingdom, fewer inhibitions constrain expressions of such views about immigrants, foreigners, and, in recent years, refugees.”⁴

points to scholars (Jim Rose & Shamit Saggar) who suggest that politicians were responsible for fostering anti-immigration feeling with their emphasis on legislation.⁵

(writing in 1998) “Public fears that immigration is out of control are thus not justified. It has become increasingly difficult to enter the United Kingdom and numbers have fallen significantly over the last twenty years”.⁶

“the message sent to the public by immigration policy, that particular kinds of foreigners would not be welcome members of British society is in direct contradiction to the message relayed by government race relations policy- that existing members of minority communities in Britain should be accepted as equal members of society.”⁷ Quotes Roy Hattersley “if we cannot afford to let them in, those of them who are here already must be doing harm.”⁸

points to the way in which Immigration controls were targeted against Black and Asian immigrants.⁹ “In order to protect that legislation from challenge under the race discrimination legislation, immigrant law and its enforcement were and remain exempt from its provisions.”¹⁰

“It has been in the presentation of immigration policy that politicians have reinforced so forcefully the message that particular kinds of foreigners are unwelcome in the United Kingdom.”¹¹

points to the fact that after Thatcher's claim in 1978 that British people were afraid of being swamped by people from alien cultures a poll indicated that the number of people who considered immigration an urgent issue rose from 9% to 21%.¹²

“Once government decides to appease rather than assuage public concern, new measures have to be proposed to show that something is being done. Loopholes are identified, rule changes proposed, appeal rights abolished, time-limits shortened, defences removed.”¹³

“Post-war immigration to Britain has, it appears, contributed to a national identity crisis. Having lost its imperial, military, economic and sporting prowess, Britain is no longer confident of its role and cultural identity.” results in fear of the arrival of those with different customs.¹⁴ “There has been a clear resistance to updating Britain's self-image to accommodate the multicultural reality of British society and its history.”¹⁵

Against an open door policy points to 1) reality of strong fears of immigration 2) “Immigrants who settle in the United Kingdom must be entitled to the same civil, political, social and economic rights and benefits as other residents. To suggest otherwise would be to concede a future two-tier society of those who really belong and those who do not. Employment is not available to all who need it and social and economic rights...are expensive.”¹⁶

points to the Canadian declaration which is defined mainly in terms of positive goals and contrasts it with the “defensive, largely negative, tone of the United Kingdom's aims”¹⁷

“Let us reject, once and for all, the message of tolerance. Tolerance is what we feel for those whom we disapporve of, or dislike, but nevertheless feel obliged to be civil to.”¹⁸

1S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 74.

2S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 74.

3S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

4S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

5S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

6S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

7S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

8S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

9S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77–80.

10S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 78.

11S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

12S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

13S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

14S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 83.

15S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 83.

16S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 84.

17S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 85.

18S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 90.

Lester

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points to the rise of the ethnic minority population in the post WW2 period, especially in the 1950s and the need in the 1960s to adjust to the reality of a multiracial society.¹

“Britain's newcomers have rarely failed to make a positive contribution out of proportion to their numbers, in founding and rejuvenating business firms, in contributing to our national welfare and prosperity, and in enriching our universities and cultural centres.”²

points to the need to rethink the concept of Britishness in the light of ethnic minorities.³

Immigration measures, and Parliamentary and media response, weaken the endeavours of the CRE to end racial discrimination.⁴

1A Lester, “From Legislation to Integration: Twenty Years of the Race Relations Act” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 22–35, 23.

2A Lester, “From Legislation to Integration: Twenty Years of the Race Relations Act” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 22–35, 24.

3A Lester, “From Legislation to Integration: Twenty Years of the Race Relations Act” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 22–35, 28.

4A Lester, “From Legislation to Integration: Twenty Years of the Race Relations Act” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 22–35, 28.

Mason

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Points out that the concept of “ethnic difference” assumes a certain norm of Britishness. Adopting an assimilationist perspective, this then places the onus on the minorities for integration and blames them, at least in part, for existing inequalities.¹

“Race and ethnicity are modern concepts. They have their origins in the global expansion of European societies that gathered pace from the late fifteenth century onwards.” period of the emergence of modern science.²

in interacting with other human societies what most struck the Europeans, especially the English”were differences of physical appearances” especially “skin colour.”³

Military and technological advantage of Europeans concept of race appeared as part of the process of explaining the concept of “apparent European superiority.”⁴

with the lack of any scientific basis for race controversy over whether the term should be used in the social sciences, some believe that it should as people nonetheless act as if races exists, whilst others claim that the use of the term legitimises it. “Sociologically...race does not refer to categories of human beings...race is a social relationship in which structural positions, and social actions are ordered, justified, and explained...the social relationship race presumes the existence of racism.”⁵

“ethnicity is more of a matter of the processes in which boundaries are created and maintained between ethnic groups than it is of the internal content of the ethnic categories.”⁶ “Ethnicity is then situational...people have different ethnic identities in different situations.”⁷

points to the way in which for English people ethnicity is a characteristic of others. “English people are apt to consider themselves as individuals, while outsiders are seen as members of groups.”⁸

In Britain, term “ethnic minority” not applied to all minorities, and usually applied to those who are not “white”.⁹

“British population was the result of successive migrations from the earliest recorded history”¹⁰

points to the significance of Irish migration during the “Great Transformation” (Industrial Revolution).¹¹

decline in immigration in the period between the two wars “the deep recession experienced by Britain in common with much of the rest of the world meant that demand for labour was weak and the economic attractions of migration consequently limited.”¹²

1D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 2.

2D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 5.

3D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 5.

4D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 6.

5D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 7–8. quote page 8.

6D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 12.

7D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 13.

8D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 14.

9D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 15.

10D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 20.

11D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 20–21.

12D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 22.

Sansone

L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556.

Basis of European multiculturalism 1) social pact, state's responsibility to care for the poor who submit themselves to certain conditions 2) colonial history, including the legacy of distinguishing rights according to ethnicity 3) the fact that these states often have a long history of ethnic minorities (e.g. Welsh, Scots...)¹

England (unclear why preference for England rather than UK) focus is on combating racism rather than cultural plurality, hence reference to racial, rather than interethnical relations as elsewhere in Europe.²

Immigration challenges social pact, as it becomes harder to accept one needs to pay to support outsiders; and raises awkward questions regarding the colonial past.³

points to the way that in the UK and other European countries, multiculturalism is promoted by the State via the educational system.⁴ Crises in multiculturalism linked to crises in the role of the state.⁵

Role of media, and media in foreign languages, in shaping debate on multiculturalism.⁶

suggests that some ethic minorities may feel threatened by multicultural practices and prefer educational practices which combat racism and promote a universalist outlook.⁷

criticises the way in which the multicultural discourse is often used to (1) conceal what different groups have in common 2) conceal differences within groups 3) fossilize concepts of ethnic identity.⁸ worse case scenario becomes a form of ethno-social engineering⁹

refers to pos-ethnic challenges to multiculturalism such as 1) second and third generation of immigrants and 2) poliethnic youth identities.¹⁰

1L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 537–538.

2L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 538.

3L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 538–539.

4L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 540.

5L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 540–541.

6L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 541.

7L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 542–543.

8L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 545.

9L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 546.

10L Sansone, “Multiculturalism, Estado e Modernidade— As Nuançes em Alguns Países Europeus e o Debate no Brasil” Dados 46:3 (2003) 535–556, 547.

Reis

RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163.

Compares the situation of many immigrants to that of a boat unable to arrive at a port.¹

Sovereignty of the state linked to its monopoly over the legitimacy of mobility.²

International migration is therefore a political movement, from the sphere of influence of one state to that of another.³

Outlines development of international law and declarations on immigration.⁴

points to a worrying tendency of the criminalization of illegal immigration. Matter of concern for the Brazilian government as many Brazilian immigrants (Itamaraty estimates 1/3) are undocumented. Fears for the abuse of their human rights.⁵ Refers to negotiations between the Brazilian government and the Portuguese government, and in the USA over the “Operacao Desembarque” concerning the dignified deportation of Brazilians held as illegal immigrants in America.⁶

tendency in international law to recognise individuals as having rights independent of their nationality.⁷

Nationality determined by political contract (“French” Model) vs determined by (dominant) Culture (“German” Model)⁸

Migration seen to intensify issue of national identity: 3 questions raised for the state 1) who can come in 2) of those who can come in who can stay permanently 3) of those who can stay permanently how many can become citizens.⁹

Presents the position that the ability and right of the state to determine citizenship and control its borders is being weakened by 1) International law and the universalisation of human rights 2) economic changes 3) the difficulties in controlling illegal immigration. Counter to this argues 1) although the rights of migrants are protected, the right to immigration is not 2) immigration increasingly being linked to national security. Claims the issue is rather the difficulty in determining what the state is, what it's role is, and how national identity is to be determined.¹⁰

1RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 149.

2RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 150.

3RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 150.

4RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 151–153.

5RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 153.

6RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 153.

7RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 153.

8RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 155.

9RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 155–156.

10RR Reis, “Soberania, Direitos Humanos e Migrações Internacionais” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:55 (2004), 149–163, 156–161.

Caseres

G Caseres, “Tolerancia, Racismo, Fundamentalismo Y Nacionalismo” Política y Cultura 21 (2004) 7 –19.

Points out that the discourse of tolerance implies a certainty of one’s identity and ideas and of one’s own superiority.¹

Colonial process constructed on a discourse of cultural superiority.²

Sees eurocentrism as a basis for intolerance. Critiques the belief that Western culture should be the measuring standard.³

Sees religious messianism and nationalism as causes of intolerance. Sees nationalism as a “secularized” version of messianism coming out of the rubble of the wars of religion.⁴

1 G Caseres, “Tolerancia, Racismo, Fundamentalismo Y Nacionalismo” Política y Cultura 21 (2004) 7–19, 7–8.

2 G Caseres, “Tolerancia, Racismo, Fundamentalismo Y Nacionalismo” Política y Cultura 21 (2004) 7–19, 9.

3 G Caseres, “Tolerancia, Racismo, Fundamentalismo Y Nacionalismo” Política y Cultura 21 (2004) 7–19, 10.

4 G Caseres, “Tolerancia, Racismo, Fundamentalismo Y Nacionalismo” Política y Cultura 21 (2004) 7–19, 11.

Jackson

"A European identity that is solely identified with the European Union, the Schengen Agreement, the free movement of peoples only within the internal market, or the tightening of external border controls, is an identity that deepens an ‘Us’/‘Other’ dichotomy"¹

"Europe’s historical and recent experience of nationalisms should be sufficient warning against the dangers of defining ourselves in opposition to who we are not."²(10)

suggests that essentialist definitions of national identity tend to be mythological--"These essentialist understandings of Europe fail to take into account our own shared history of ‘barbarism’, restriction of civil liberties, or of an earlier version of Europe founded in Greek’s classical version of democracy (which incidentally excluded women and slaves)" ³(10)

points to the inconsistency of the term "migrant" ⁴(10-11)

"It is currently estimated that 1.5 million migrants arrive and settle in the EU each yeaR The same estimates also suggest that seven million migrants within the EU have irregular status with a further half a million of these arriving each yeaR In total, 4% of the EU population, or 18.5 million people, is made up of non-EU citizens"⁵ (11)

o

"Philip Putnam recently wrote that, “In the short to medium run… immigration and ethnic diversity challenge social solidarity and inhibit social capital.” [2] Yet he goes on to describe the social capital that develops in communities where social and cultural diversities have stimulated mutual enrichment and more encompassing identities. "⁶ (11)

o

"Franco Frattini takes the view that, "There can be no immigration without integration"⁷ (11)

o

"MR Frattini is sufficiently pragmatic to understand that Europe’s workplaces and pension funds will increasingly rely on economically productive young people from the new EU member states as well as those from Africa and Asia."⁸ (11)

o

"Net migration to the UK hit 400,000 in 2005 - almost double the level in 2004" ⁹(11)

o

"I simply want to stress here that the discourse of integration fails to address the question of the lack of internal integration." ¹⁰(12)

o

Reflects on the reasons that Christian migrants come to Europe and then alerts:

"However, the indigenous churches of Europe should take careful note of research conducted by Vitoria University in Spain during March 2005. The results were based on more than 500 interviews with immigrants from over 30 different countries. 85% said they believed in God, but this was a decrease from 99% for those who said that they had believed in God when they first arrived in Spain. Of those interviewed, some 15% had abandoned belief in God and a further 10% were in the process of losing it. Only a small percentage, 5.8%, reported experiencing their faith grow."¹¹ (12)

o

"What emerges quite clearly, is that more regular church attendance tends to correlate with more positive attitudes towards migrant peoples." ¹²(12)

1 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 10 [available Redcliffe site]

2 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 10 [available Redcliffe site]

3 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 10 [available Redcliffe site]

4 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 10–11 [available Redcliffe site]

5 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 11 [available Redcliffe site]

6 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 11 [available Redcliffe site]

7 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 11 [available Redcliffe site]

8 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 11 [available Redcliffe site]

9 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 11 [available Redcliffe site]

10 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 12 [available Redcliffe site]

11 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 12 [available Redcliffe site]

12 Darrell Jackson , '‘Where do you come from?’ The impact of migration on European identity', Encounters 20 (October 2007), 10–14, 12 [available Redcliffe site]