Escobar

“The paradigm that is ending is the colonial paradigm of "important" missionaries as representatives of the highly civilized and developed world taking a downward mobility trip to civilize and evangelize poor natives in faraway places. That was mission from above, from a position of power, progress, and prestige. In many places now, willingly or unwillingly, mission has to be carried on "from below," from positions of vulnerability, lack of political protection, and scarcity of funds.” (88)1
“At the same time, howeverL from the religious margins of American society, a disorganized and unconventional missionary movement was taking place. Historians have had difficulty recording it or paying attention to it even though in more than one place it had a surprising success” (89)2

“At the same time, howeverL from the religious margins of American society, a disorganized and unconventional missionary movement was taking place. Historians have had difficulty recording it or paying attention to it even though in more than one place it had a surprising success” (89)1
“Having come from the hardships of marginality in Sweden and migration in Chicago, it was not difficult for Vingren and Berg to adopt a self-supporting missionary style, to mix with the common folk and to live with them. Historians now realize that this Swedish strand in the history of Brazilian pentecostals contrasts with the style of the American missionaries who came later when the Assemblies of God in the United States had reached a certain degree of institutionalization and respectability.
Their background as marginal migrants and heretics in Sweden was a definite element in the missionary style that Vingren and Berg adopted. Not having a long-established ecclesiastical tradition, they gave more freedom to the Brazilian converts to find organizational patterns and evangelistic methodologies that were contextual. Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians in Brazil had educational efforts and intentional strategies to reach the upper classes and to form a middle class. Berg and Vingren reached the bottom of the social scale and allowed the birth of a church that could be wholly contextual in its social environment.” (90)2

S Escobar, “Mission from the Margins to the Margins: Two Case Studies from Latin America” Missiology 26:1 (1998), 87–95

Mendonca

That is why the first reports about the newly conquered land always mention the duty, and at the same time the privilege, the king has to promote the conversion of the native population...religious mission and commercial interests intermingled.” (368)1

Catholicism established in Brazil according to a medieval hierarchichal order entered by God's grace dispensed by the Church. “the institution that considers itself the exclusive dispenser of the grace extends its power to all spheres of human existence. This constituted a significant trait in the configuration of Brazilian culture” (368-369 quote 369)2
Refers to Portuguese Messianism, later taking the form of Sebastianism [the belief in the return of King Sebastian esp 1580-1640 when Portugal came under Spanish control] popularised by Antonio Vieira. Part of this consisted in building the kingdom of God by Portugal3 (369)
“It can be said that the set of thoughts that predominated in the colonization of Brazil was that of an idyllic Christendom formed and founded under the powerful and sacred mantle of the Portuguese monarchy. The suffering and falls of this idyllic paradise would be endured because of the messianic belief in the return of King Sebastian and in the restoration of the kingdom of God.” (369)4
claims that Islamic fatalism may have influenced Portuguese catholicism and hence Brazilian culture. (369-370)5 suggests that this fatalism may also have come into Brazil through Islamic slaves brought into the country. (370)6

Patronage: emphasis on the faithfulness of Portuguese Kings to the Pope.7 (373)

claims that the official history of Christianity in Brazil begins in 1549 with the arrival of the Jesuits.(374)8

suggests that the introduction of Jansenist ideas in Brazil in the 18th century [Jansenism a form of Catholicism more Augustine and closer to reformation ideas] may have helped open the way for later protestant expansion [Note Figueredo translator of the first Portuguese Bible was a Jansenist] (375)9

“The Society of Jesus performed two important tasks in Brazil: the establishment of missions and the organizing of Indians in villages around them; and the founding of schools, with humanist orientation, that established the foundation of the colonial culture.” (375)10
Pombal's expulsion of the Jesuit's from Portugual and thus Brazil tilted balance of Power in favour of the state. (376)
“The reason why Brazilian unity has been established over a vast territory, compared to the fragmentation of the former Spanish colonies in Latin America, has always been a matter of discussion. Three prominent Brazilian historians have credited such a mysterious unity to Catholic colonizing work. In fact, the dissemination of a form of global thinking of a religious nature, the dissemination of a single language through preaching and education as well as the presence of religious in all parts of Portuguese dominion may have been the main reason for such a unity.15 Americo Jacobina Lacombe says that "There is no doubt that the religious factor represents a unique and valuable contribution for the understanding of the historical mystery of our unity."16 “ (377)11

Points to Catholic priests sympathetic to Protestant influence, suggests Janseist influence.12
Influence of positivism encouraged religious indifference amongst educated classes.13
Points to the fact that Pedro II was a Freemason and had a tense relationship with the Catholic clergy.14
José Manuel da Conceição, who is famous as the first Brazilian Presbyterian pastor, was probably a follower of Father Feijó, favouring an Anglican style reform in Brazil.15
suggests that Immigrant German Roman Catholics became assimilated into the Lutheran Church in Brazil.16
Kalley “was admitted to the inner circle of friends of Emperor Pedro II and convinced the emperor to introduce civil marriage and civil birth and death certificates as well as the establishment of special places in the cemeteries for non-Catholic burials (1863). These acts constituted privileges for the Roman Catholic Church and used to cause serious problems for the new converts to protestantism.”17
“the lower classes constituted by "free men and the poor." The latter, characterized by messianic-millenist ideals, absorbed from the Protestant preaching the ideal of life as a pilgrimage in this world and the hope for a life of blessing in the "celestial future." The congregations formed by the missionaries never overcame this understanding of Christian life.” (384)18
“Because of its weak and denominationally parochial theological education, which made it vulnerable to the theological oscillation and conflicts existing in other theological centres, Brazilian protestantism was never able to make any synthesis that was adequate to the Brazilian cultural environment.” (385)19

AG MENDONÇA,”A History of Christianity in Brazil : An Interpretive Essay ” International Review of Mission 85:338 (1996) 367-387

Mendonca

AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79.

Briefly refers to an “invasion protestanism” attempted by French Hugenots and then Reformed Dutch invaders. Lack of success of invasions resulted in ephemeral nature of mission initiatives.¹

English influence/power over Portugal led to 1810 Treaty allowing Protestant entry/worship in Brazil but no proselytism allowed.²

German immigrants both Lutheran and reformed but organised as a common church under Lutheran identity (IECLB).³

IELB: somewhere between an immigrant church due to its German-American origin, and a mission church due to its intent to integrate in Brazilian culture.⁴

IECLB greater integration into Brazilian culture through the use of Portuguese in services and creating EST.⁵

Lutheran community numbering at close to a million.⁶

Ethnic protestant communities within urban areas.⁷

Role of Bible distributors seen to prepare the way for future missions, considered the poioneers of Brazilian protestantism- Daniel Kidder and James Fletcher.⁸ Refers to communities predisposed to accept Protestantism due to their prior reading of the Bible.⁹

J. Spaulding-methodist- first missionary in Brazil 1836 ended in 1841, restarted in 1876.¹⁰

Claims that all religious reformed traditions were present in Brazil by the end of the Empire with only the Presbyterians receiving autonomy during this period.¹¹Dates Baptist autonomy to 1925 with the Questao Radical.¹² points to the influence of nationalism and freemasonry in both cases.¹³

describes the period between 1930-1960 as a period of greater cooperation between Brazilian churches which ends with the military dictatoship as churches become more inward focused concerned with their own identities.¹⁴

1930s-1960s: (1) Churches favoured by anti-catholicism in Brazilian societies (2) Arrival of elements of the Social Gospel (3) Evangelism through campaingns and “series de conferencias” (4) Basketball, Mothers Day brought to Brazil through Protestants.¹⁵

1950s contemporary theological debates hit Brazilian seminaries/churches. Emergence of youth groups that were more ecumenical and concerned with social justice.¹⁶

Churches unready for this, fundamentalist influence of Carl McIntire, decline of youth congresses.¹⁷

“Se os protestantes de imigração formaram guetos culturais, os de missão criaram ilhas éticas. Ambos se tornaram estranhos à cultura brasileira aberta em seu modelo católico de cristandade.”¹⁸

Individualism of protestantism does not adjust to mass culture of Brazil.¹⁹

Pragmatic revivalism of missionaries coming to Brazil (1) minor role given to philosophy in education (2) reason-emotion dichotomy²⁰

Political conservatism of evangelical politicians.²¹

“As comunidades religiosas protestantes contribuem, ao exigir para si a presença de adeptos cujas famílias não pertencem, no seu todo, ao seu grêmio, para desestruturar grupos de solidariedade primária que se estendem a todos os demais de ordem secundária, como escolas, clubes, partidos e assim por diante.”²²

influence of pre-millenial thought and rejection of social gospel.²³ relationship to an attitude of pilgramage towards Brazil.²⁴

claims that neopentecostal churches do not emphasise the Holy Spirit as much. Rejects the label of fundamentalism because they do not read the Bible literally but for illustration.²⁵

1AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 49–52.

2AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 52.

3AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 52.

4AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 52.

5AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 53.

6AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 53.

7AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 53.

8AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 54.

9AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 54.

10AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 55.

11AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 55.

12AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 55–56.

13AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 56.

14AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 56–57.

15AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 58.

16AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 59.

17AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 59–60.

18AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 61.

19AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 62.

20AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 64–65.

21AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 67.

22AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 68.

23AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 69–71.

24AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 71.

25AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 75.

Weaver

16th century, failure of Calvinist misison. 17th century failure of Dutch (protestant) invasion ¹(447)

1824 constitution gave freedom of religion ²(448)

success of freemasons and Positivists in the Post-Independence period³ (448-449)

Southern immigrants...set up churches...centres served as bases ⁴(449)

19th century, eventual failure of Methodist missions under Spaulding and Kidder but their writings gave impetus to immigration. ⁵449-451)

For Southerners, despite Catholic dominance "Brazil with its vast land spaces and acceptance of slavery seemed the ideal haven." ⁶(452)

Freedom of religion in Brazil far more restricted than Southerners expectations ⁷(453)

initial missionary project linked to the need to cater for the spiritual needs of Southerners in Brazil yet this acted as a springboard for ministry to the natives, not least through the establishing of schools ⁸(454-457)

conflict between Rome and Masons seen to open door for missions ⁹(461)

focuses on the Development of Methodists in Brazil ¹⁰458-461)

Baptist churches among confederates in Brazil, and link to the opening of the first Brazilian Baptist Churches ¹¹(465-466)

1B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 447.

2B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 448.

3B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 448–449.

4B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 449.

5B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 449–451.

6B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 452.

7B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 453.

8B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 454–457.

9B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 461.

10B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 458–461.

11B Weaver, “Confederate Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in Brazil,” The Journal of Southern History 18:5 (1952), 446–468, 465–466.

Macchia

"the Pentecostal movement has managed, in just less than a century, to contribute to nearly as many different divisions as it took the rest of the church a millennium to produce."¹ (340-341)

o

"Pentecostals who choose not to build relationships with other people who claim to be Christian run the risk of being charged with intolerance, with proselytism, or of inciting the rhetoric of 'Holy War'... As the world becomes smaller, members of other religions are looking to ecumenical groups for help in putting a stop to evangelism...among their members. The lack of Pentecostal input into these discussions makes this a very dangerous state of affairs."² (352-353)

JM Davis in 1943 studied "the leadership styles, message, training methods, and lower class audience of Brazilian Pentecostals" concluded that Pentecostals were suited to evangelising the people of Brazil ³(42)

"As David Martin noted of Latin American Pentecostalism, divine healing along with ecstatic speech, testimonies, and music served to create a distinctive atmosphere of lay participation in worship, in which the voiceless gained an important voicE"⁴ (19)

argues that Global Market Culture is idolatrous and pernicious. Fears that in moving from their ascetic origins to the hedonism of prosperity theology some Pentecostals may be capitulating to this new idol ⁵(386-395)

o

"In a church in Brazil I once heard a woman give a testimony in which she thanked God that although she once did not have a colour TV, now she had onE Rather than helping her to question the consumer way of life, which is the main rival of Christian faith today, her church seemed to strengthen and undergird those values."⁶ (392)

1990 marked the appearance of "the first comprehensive works on Latin American Protestantism and politics"⁷ (133)

o

"Foreign missionaries helped to spark, not create, a new religious tradition in Latin America. The impulse for new churches, membership, and the vast majority of leaders came from Latin America."⁸ (134)

1CM Robeck, Jr.,' Pentecostals and Ecumenism in a Pluralistic World', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 338–362, 340–341.

2CM Robeck, Jr.,' Pentecostals and Ecumenism in a Pluralistic World', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 338–362, 352–353.

3LG McClung, Jr., ''Try to Get People Saved' Revisting the Paradigm of an Urgent Pentecostal Missiology', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 30–51, 42.

4F Macchia, 'The Struggle for Global Witness: Shifting Paradigms in Pentecostal Theology' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999), 8–26, 19.

5H Cox, ' 'Pentecostalism and Global Market Culture': A Response to Issues Facing Pentecostalism in a Postmodern World' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 386–395.

6H Cox, ' 'Pentecostalism and Global Market Culture': A Response to Issues Facing Pentecostalism in a Postmodern World' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 386–395, 392.

7E Cleary, 'Latin American Pentecostalism' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 131–150, 133.

8E Cleary, 'Latin American Pentecostalism' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 131–150, 134.

Escobar

Southern Christianity= popular/ grassroots Christianity¹ (12-13) "marked by a culture of poverty, an oral liturgy, narrative preaching, uninhibited emotionalism, maximum participation in prayer and worship, dreams and visions, faith healing, and an intense search for community and belonging ²(13)

"Probably there has been no point at which missionary action and imperial action have been so closely linked in theory and practice as in the evangelization of the AmericaS" ³(46)

more ambiguous relationship between empire and missions in the case of Protestant mission ⁴(48)

Latin American---protestant mission came at a time of British support for the independence of colonies (⁵49)

American missionaries often don't perceive their work as linked to American expansion, the same is not to be said of those who receive them ⁶(50)

importance of voluntarism and student movements in American mission⁷ (49-51)

"The estimated number of missionaries sent from Latin America had risen from 820 in 1972 to 1,127 in 1980 to 3,026 in 1988. The most recent study available shows that by 1997 there were 284 Protestant sending agencies and a total of 3,921 missionaries in Latin America." ⁸(166)

1S Escobar,A Time for Mission: The Challenge for Global Christianity, The Global Christian Library, (Leicester: InterVarsity Press: 2003) 12–13.

2S Escobar,A Time for Mission: The Challenge for Global Christianity, The Global Christian Library, (Leicester: InterVarsity Press: 2003) 13.

3S Escobar,A Time for Mission: The Challenge for Global Christianity, The Global Christian Library, (Leicester: InterVarsity Press: 2003) 46.

4S Escobar,A Time for Mission: The Challenge for Global Christianity, The Global Christian Library, (Leicester: InterVarsity Press: 2003) 48.

5S Escobar,A Time for Mission: The Challenge for Global Christianity, The Global Christian Library, (Leicester: InterVarsity Press: 2003) 49.

6S Escobar,A Time for Mission: The Challenge for Global Christianity, The Global Christian Library, (Leicester: InterVarsity Press: 2003) 50.

7S Escobar,A Time for Mission: The Challenge for Global Christianity, The Global Christian Library, (Leicester: InterVarsity Press: 2003) 49–51.

8S Escobar, A Time for Mission: The Challenge for Global Christianity, The Global Christian Library, (Leicester: InterVarsity Press: 2003) 166.

Brinkerhoff

links the growing pentecostalism in Brazil and L. America with urbanization.¹ (43)

on mainline churches being considered evangelical in Brazil he links this with the fact that many of those missionaries who came to Brazil came from the more evangelical wing of these denominations. (²44)

indicates that protestant growth comes mainly at the expense of Catholicism ³(50)

social links and family networks shown to be of fundamental importance⁴ (50-51)

o

sees charismatic catholicism as a rival for Pentecostalism ⁵(58)

1 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55.

2 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55, 44.

3 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55, 50

4 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55, 50—51.

5 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55, 58.

Yates Evangelical

"the U.S. is the primary source and symbol of most of what passes as “globalization” in the planetary popular imagination." ¹(66)

"the worldwide spread of a peculiarly American brand (in both origin and form) of Christianity— that is, Evangelical Protestantism."² (66)

"American-based, para-church, mission, and humanitarian organizations"³ (66)

"Although the evidence appears to support the claim that Evangelical Protestantism is a thoroughly indigenized global phenomenon, Western (predominantly American) missionary and para-church organizations, operating in a manner similar to that of multinational, non-governmental organizations and corporations, continue to constitute a primary source of material resources" ⁴(66)

"the centers of American Evangelicalism, while by no means the center of worldwide Evangelicalism, nevertheless continue to form the backbone of a transnational religious movement."⁵ (67)

o

"American Evangelicals as the vanguard of American military, economic, and cultural power across the planet" ⁶(70)

claims that tensions amongst different American corporations reflected in globalization ⁷(74)

"Promoting abroad many of the controversial issues American Evangelical organizations champion at home, they actively export social and political agendas regarding abortion, the family, sexuality, education, and the like." ⁸(75)

suggests that there is tension between evangelicals in humanitarian aid and those in mission work over the benefits of capitalism and technology ⁹(77-81)

o

o

"the quantifying, organizing, and evaluating techniques of social science not only provide the authority by which action is justified but also supply an idiom by which “the work” is accomplished on a day-to-day basis. The employment of the language and techniques of social science are as frequent among the Evangelical globalizers as among anyone else." ¹⁰(82)

refers to the use of the language of rights and needs by evangelical agencies. (84-85)¹¹

"Surprisingly, most Evangelical organizations express their mission and work in terms more typical of multinational corporations than religious organizations." ¹² (85)

"Another component of the market idiom appears in the frequent equation of the believer with consumeR"¹³ (86)

"The elites in the vanguard of globalization are aware of the historical heavy-handedness of American or Western organizations and are eager to temper both the image and reality of their work as a form of cultural imperialism. Balancing the moral appeal to universal rights and needs, then, is a tendency to indigenize their brands, organizational identities, and constituencies. It is here where we see a common recourse to an idiom rooted in multiculturalism, one that focuses on sensitivity to local cultures"¹⁴ (87)

"In attempting to fulfill the great biblical injunctive to “go into all the world” the American Evangelicals cannot help bestowing more than the teachings of their founder; they are carrying into the world an unintended gospel of modernity—the institutional and normative structure of the present world ordeR"¹⁵ (90)

1 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 66.

2 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 66.

3 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 66.

4 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 66.

5 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 67.

6 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 70.

7 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 74.

8 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 75.

9 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 77—81.

10 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 82.

11 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 84—85.

12 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 85.

13 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 86.

14 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 87.

15 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 90.

Frase Subversion

1810 Anglican Services allowed to be held for British subjects in Brazil, as long as the building did not look like a church and Missionary activity was prohibited

            1824 first arrival of German Lutheran Immigrants 1(180)
           Presbyterians 1859; Methodists 1876; Baptists 19881; Episcopalians 1889; Pentecostals 1910. 2(180)
           "These strained relationships and the distinctive manner in which these churches developed have both frustrated and disappointed the aspirations of many missionaries and the constituencies they represent." 3(181) 
           "Along with a new religious message they brought values, institutions, and cultural perspectives that they viewed as the solution to the problems of a society that many of them considered to be morally decadent, politically corrupt and technologically backward." 4(181)
           Provides examples of the "ethnocentrism" of missionaries who sought to take the American way of life to Brazil. 5(181)
           "churches, schools, seminaries, and other institutions introduced by them did not substantially transform Brazilian society." 6(182) instead resulted in a list of problems "considered atypical of Protestantism." 7(182) 
         o
           "It was never the conscious intention of the missionaries to create a new power centre within Brazilian society. However, as a latent function, their activity did just that. Over a period of time a new complex organization was created consisting of churches, schools, seminaries, hospitals, orphanages, publishing houses, retreat centers....a vast bureacracy was created to oversee this investment, which became a source of great economic and political power and social prestige..." 8(184)
           Re: many pastors "By means of the church's educational institution, they were transformed from untutored peasants into men of culture who were prepared to fill the pulpits of the most sophisticated urban churches and to assume positions of  power and prestige within various denominational bureacracies." 9(185) 
           "A pastor...was viewed by his congregation as a patron..." 10(186) 
           ability to use network of seminary colleagues 11(186) 
         o
           "the North American organizational structures that were transplanted to a new cultural environment developed in a manner markedly different from the missionaries' anticipations." (12186)
           re: Nepotism--->result of economic hardship and the power of family loyalty13 (187)
           links subversion of democracy; intolerance and misappropriation of funds to wider social trends 14(187-189)
           links pastors having more than one job to economic needs15 (189)
           "The clerical aspects of Brazilian Protestantism were not created by Brazilian Pastors but rather were defined by a society conceived and nutured by paternalistic dependent relationships." 16(191) 
           "if Protestant institutions failed to meet the expectations of the missionaries, they did not disappoint the expectations of Brazilians. The expectations of the nationals were more realistic, based upon their experience with other Brazilian institutions." (17

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 180.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 180.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 181.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 181.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 181.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 182.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 182.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 184.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 185.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 186.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 186.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 186.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 187.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 187–189.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 189.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 191.

RG Frase, ' The Subversion of Missionary Intentions by Cultural Values: the Brazilian Case' Review of Religious Research 23:2 (1981), 180–194, 191.

Da Silva

significant English involvement in the slave trade to Brasil, even after it was abolished in the UK. Many Anglicans in Brazil slave owners ¹(3-7)

"No Brasil, a Igreja Anglicana tomou duas atitudes frente à escravidão. A primeira foi de convivência com a instituição escravista que encontrou no país, arraigada profundamente na sua vida econômico-social. Houve uma espécie de anuência, ou acomodação diante do fato, isto é, por parte de comerciantes anglicanos, sua membrezia, comercializar e possuir escravos para o serviço pessoal e empreendimentos. A outra atitude foi de condenação do “horrendo tráfico humano,” conforme a posição do Rev.Walsh nos anos 20 do século XIX" ²(8)

o

attraction of Brazil for slave owning Baptists from US³ (11-12)

"No Brasil, os batistas tiveram duas atitudes frente à escravidão: os primeiros colonos batistas eram favoráveis e foram proprietários de escravos. Os missionários e os batistas brasileiros em geral, após a abolição, em 1888, condenaram o escravismo como incompatível com a fé cristã" ⁴(12)

refers to the purchase and release of a slave by the first Baptist church ⁵

1E da Silva, 'Visões Protestantes Sobre a Escravidão', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 1–26, 3–7.

2E da Silva, 'Visões Protestantes Sobre a Escravidão', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 1–26, 8.

3E da Silva, 'Visões Protestantes Sobre a Escravidão', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 1–26, 11–12.

4E da Silva, 'Visões Protestantes Sobre a Escravidão', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 1–26, 12.

5E da Silva, 'Visões Protestantes Sobre a Escravidão', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 1–26, 13–15.

Cavalcanti ctd

claims that Presbyterian church model was closer to the EPiscopalism of Latin American Catholicism whilst congregational nature of Baptist brought "a brand new way of being a church."¹ (426)

dates of mission churches arrival Lutherans 1826; Methodists 1836; Presbyterians, EPiscopalians and COngr. mid century Baptists 1881² (426)

second half of 19th century: Early Modernization. Initial industrialization and urbanization. improved communications and contact with Northern Hemisphere countries. Openness to innovation³ (426-427)

"political patronage in Brazil proved deadly for the Catholic church."⁴ (428)

Southern Baptists came when Catholic church reached its lowest point. RCC better able to resist Presbyterians earlier.⁵ (428)

North Atlantic Immigration--> needed to maintain economic growth especially after abolition; pressed for religious freedom; use of technology conveyed sense of cultural superiority, including religion⁶ (429)

Southern Baptists benefited from experience and structures of previous settlers⁷ (429)

Presb: 1859 Simonton arrives 1863 first church founded 1890 20 missionaries 12 Brazilian ministers, 59 congregations; 3,199 adult members and 1,461 children⁸ (430) doctrinal intellectual approach attracted elites.⁹ (430) 1879 clash between rationalism and mysticism. Group leave IPB to form Igreja Evangelica Brasileira ¹⁰(430) 1903 conflict over nationalism and free masonry. IPI formed¹¹ (430) Internal divisions and external pressures stunted growth¹² (430-431)

emphasises associative, congregational nature of Baptist co-operation¹³ (431) advantage of simpler theological approach for mission¹⁴ (432) Baptist emphasis on superstition and anti-democratic nature of Catholicism¹⁵ (432) critical move to RJ from which middle class recruits for leadership would come¹⁶ (432) divisions mainly at a congregational level ¹⁷(432) comparative table of growth¹⁸ (433)

"in the case of Brazil, a late arrival, a decentralized form of central governance, and a simpler faith made all the difference.¹⁹" (433)

cites Mendoncas four reasons for greater Baptist success 1) aggressive evangelism 2) direct recruitment 3) simpler church planting 4) rigorous ethical standards²⁰

1H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 426.

2H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 426.

3H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 426–427.

4H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 428.

5H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 428.

6H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 429.

7H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 429.

8H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 430.

9H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 430.

10H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 430.

11H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 430.

12H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 430–431.

13H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 431.

14H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 432.

15H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 432.

16H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 432.

17H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 432.

18H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 433.

19H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 433.

20H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 434.

Cavalcanti ctd

Both American Presbyterians and Southern Baptists drew missionaries from the same region¹ (424)

"American missionaries were exporting a jingoistic faith...United States as a beacon of progress, the new Jerusalem...America's success was attributed to Protestantism... US strength stemmed from the rational, enlightened form of Protestantism practiced by the nation."² (424-425)

Missionaries saw L. America as "backward" and "unenlightened", blamed on Catholicism³ (425)

Missionaries part of invasive cultural force brought by capitalist expansion⁴

1H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 424.

2H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 424–425.

3H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 425.

4H Cavalcanti, “The Right Faith at the Right Time? Determinants of Protestant Mission Success in the 19th-Century Brazilian Religious Market,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 423-438, 425.

Cavalcanti Paths

European missions tended to take a sponsored, monopolistic approach; whereas American missions took a competitive approach¹ (383)

"While colonial churches were compatible with other transplanted social institutions in Asia and Africa, in Latin America there was a clear gap between the culture behind the exported faith and local culture."² (383)

Southern Baptist Convention: i) church planting ii) voluntaristic iii)focus on conversion iv) emphasis on the need for free-thinking educated citizenry / Presbyterian Missions: i) denomination building ii) religious education iii) freedom, capitalism and progress³ (385)

both emphasized the need for orthodoxy and asceticism in ethics⁴ (385) both shared a critique of Catholicism "They argued that Brazilian Catholicism lacked the spiritual power to lead Brazilians to real progress."⁵ (385)

Describes the growth of the Baptist work until the Brazilian Baptist convention was founded in 1907⁶ (385)

schools did not create many converts but fostered greater tolerance for Protestantism⁷ (386)

WWII and COld War--> Brazil comes under American influence...Period of Brazilian growth and instability; two paths for missionaries i) follow denominational strategy ii) engage with Brazilian social problems ⁸(386-387)

Baptist Crabtree: conformity to denominational strategy; remembered as a model pastor/churchman⁹ (388-390)

Presbyterian Schaull--> emphasis on how concern with social justice and transformation ended in conflict with church authority and termination of mission stint ¹⁰(390-392)

Presents Crabtree as a model of diffusion in which host culture is transported and Schaull as a model of acculturation¹¹ (393-394)

1H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 383.

2H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 383.

3H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 385.

4H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 385.

5H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 385.

6H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 385.

7H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 386.

8H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 386–387.

9H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 388–390.

10H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 390–392.

11H Cavalcanti, “Human Agency in Mission Work: Missionary Styles and Their Political Consequences,” Sociology of Religion 66:4 (2005) 381–398, 393–394.

VAlmeida, 'O metodismo e a ordem social republicana'

Ações dos religiosos metodistas no combate ao alcoolismo, ao tabagismo, na divulgação de normas de higiene doméstica e de comportamentos individuais e coletivas revelam uma identificação com processos de regulamentação de condutas formativas de uma sociedade em que ser civilizado era se apresentar bem aos olhos dos outros. Os convertidos ao metodismo deveriam se apresentar à sociedade de forma diferenciada, pois, além de tudo, estava em jogo uma competição religiosa, encetada com os católicos, espíritas (não menos com tendências filosóficas e políticas)"¹ (43)

"Os missionários e missionárias norte-americanos fundadores de igrejas e escolas metodistas no Brasil, tanto na segunda metade do século XIX quanto na primeira metade do século XX, estavam convictos de que eram agentes a serviço da implantação da civilização no país escolhido como campo de missão. As suas ações religiosas e educacionais visavam expandir uma visão de mundo segundo a qual uma realidade resultante do sucesso obtido no seu país de origem poderia ser instaurada em seus locais de atuação."² (44)

focuses on the condemnation of alcoholism, smoking and the jogo do bicho by methodists. Argues that this (1) reflects the ethos of an emerging middle class (protestant work-ethic!) (2) missionaries associated Protestantism with modernization and what was good for the nation (³44-48)

o

(foucaultian?) link of Methodist teaching on hygiene and health care with the needs and culture of the emerging middle classes ⁴(50-55)

o

re: advice to women published in a 1930s magazine "No conjunto, os indicativos de boas maneiras no convívio familiar e social apontam para as exigências que se esperavam das mulheres das camadas médias das cidades em rota de urbanização: cuidado com os entretenimentos, a precaução contra casamentos desvantajosos, novas formas de relacionamento com empregados domésticos, exercício da cortesia, valorização do tempo empregado no trabalho, pontualidade nos compromissosfinanceiros assumidos, exercício da caridade, estar preparada para o trabalho. Se a modernidade republicana necessitava de novos padrões de comportamento, regras como essas demonstram a percepção das mulheres metodistas para com o processo civilizatório em curso." ⁵

1VAlmeida, 'O metodismo e a ordem social republicana', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 41–60, 43.

2VAlmeida, 'O metodismo e a ordem social republicana', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 41–60, 44.

3VAlmeida, 'O metodismo e a ordem social republicana', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 41–60, 44–48.

4VAlmeida, 'O metodismo e a ordem social republicana', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 41–60, 50–55.

5VAlmeida, 'O metodismo e a ordem social republicana', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2003), 41–60, 55.