Cerveira

On referring to evangelical identity, makes the important point concerning competition amongst evangelicals.(30)1
“Acreditamos, porém, que podemos perceber no campo evangélico brasileiro alguns elementos que vieram se somar a outros elementos no processo de fortalecimento da noção de indivíduo no Brasil. O mais importante, e que de alguma maneira determina outros fatores, é que as igrejas evangélicas são em sua grande maioria, por opção teológica e necessidade sociológica, conversionistas.” (34)2
“Seriam os sem religião alimentados pela “porta dos fundos” das igrejas evangélicas?” (36)3
“Essa ênfase, já destacam os autores citados, permite inferir que o crescimento evangélico esta associado com o processo de modernização e na medida em que se alimenta simultaneamente reforça o processo de desenraizamento e individualização típicos de uma sociedade secularizada.” (37)
“O Brasil,....poderia ter passado por um reforma da igreja nacional...sobretudo no Brasil do século XIX. Nesse século o padroado, o regalismo do imperador e de diversos líderes católicos, baseado na doutrina conhecida como galicismo, e o jansenismo de importantes setores do clero estavam alinhados em projeto que incluía a separação efetiva da igreja nacional da autoridade da Sé Romana, aliada ao desejo de reformas que incluíam desde o fim do celibato clerical a elementos teológicos muito próximos à vertente protestante (Vieira, 1980). As esperanças de reforma dos jansenisatas aliados às pretensões regalistas acabaram, entretanto, frustradas pelo processo de fortalecimento do clero ultramontano e pelo golpe final, a própria proclamação da República. A separação entre Estado e Igreja Católica acabou possibilitando à Santa Sé liberta das amarras do padroado romanizar a Igreja católica brasileira em um movimento de cima para baixo, no qual as tendências galicistas e jansenistas foram finalmente derrotadas e o catolicismo “popular” enquadrado. Se a reforma da igreja não se efetivou como pretendiam os jansenistas, a influência desses durante a segunda metade do século XIX foi fator importante para a tolerância e até mesmo o aparato jurídico que em muito contribuiu para a entrada do protestantismo no Brasil. A amizade do Padre Diogo Feijó com o missionário americano Fletcher é apenas um exemplo do clima que possibilitou a entrada do protestantismo no Brasil (Ribeiro, 1973).” (40-41)4
“Por outro lado, no meio pentecostal, houve uma predominância do discurso “crente não se mete na política.” A exceção do fundador da Igreja Brasil Para Cristo apenas confirma a regra, sobretudo quando os futuros líderes da mesma igreja reforçarão que a decisão de entrar na política era uma posição pessoal e institucional.” (44-45)5
“A postura evangélica durante o golpe de 1964, e mesmo no período autoritário, tem como cenário a própria guerra fria e as questões relativas à liberdade de culto.” (46)
“A igreja Presbiteriana, a título de exemplo, ficou famosa por sua caça aos comunistas dentro da própria Igreja e seminários, com notícias de entrega dos próprios membros à repressão (Araújo, 1976). O jornal Batista suspendeu seus artigos sobre responsabilidade social e se desencadeou um processo de aproximação com o regime que culminou com o convite ao Pastor Nilson do Amaral Fanini, um dos maiores líderes denominacionais na época, para cursar a ESG.” (46)6

S Cerveira, “Protestantismo Tupiniquim, Modernidade e Democracia: limites e tensões da(s) identidade(s) evangélica(s) no Brasil contemporâneo” Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2008) 27–53.

Gertz

Refers to ULBRA as the fourth main university in Brazil1 (10)
describes tendency of prominent Lutherans to underplay Lutheran identity2 (11-12)
poinst to the fact that even during times of repression of Protestantism there was not a mass defection to Catholicism, not even ethnic German Catholicism3 (15)
resistance against central authority, including religious synods, of immigrant Germans4 (16)
urban middle class willing to finance Lutheran church buildings, but little commitment5 (18)
development of EST, adoption of Liberation Theology, progressive leadership within IECLB6 (21-22)
R Gertz, “Os Luteranos no Brasil” Revista de História Regional 6:2 (2001) 9-33

Mendonca

That is why the first reports about the newly conquered land always mention the duty, and at the same time the privilege, the king has to promote the conversion of the native population...religious mission and commercial interests intermingled.” (368)1

Catholicism established in Brazil according to a medieval hierarchichal order entered by God's grace dispensed by the Church. “the institution that considers itself the exclusive dispenser of the grace extends its power to all spheres of human existence. This constituted a significant trait in the configuration of Brazilian culture” (368-369 quote 369)2
Refers to Portuguese Messianism, later taking the form of Sebastianism [the belief in the return of King Sebastian esp 1580-1640 when Portugal came under Spanish control] popularised by Antonio Vieira. Part of this consisted in building the kingdom of God by Portugal3 (369)
“It can be said that the set of thoughts that predominated in the colonization of Brazil was that of an idyllic Christendom formed and founded under the powerful and sacred mantle of the Portuguese monarchy. The suffering and falls of this idyllic paradise would be endured because of the messianic belief in the return of King Sebastian and in the restoration of the kingdom of God.” (369)4
claims that Islamic fatalism may have influenced Portuguese catholicism and hence Brazilian culture. (369-370)5 suggests that this fatalism may also have come into Brazil through Islamic slaves brought into the country. (370)6

Patronage: emphasis on the faithfulness of Portuguese Kings to the Pope.7 (373)

claims that the official history of Christianity in Brazil begins in 1549 with the arrival of the Jesuits.(374)8

suggests that the introduction of Jansenist ideas in Brazil in the 18th century [Jansenism a form of Catholicism more Augustine and closer to reformation ideas] may have helped open the way for later protestant expansion [Note Figueredo translator of the first Portuguese Bible was a Jansenist] (375)9

“The Society of Jesus performed two important tasks in Brazil: the establishment of missions and the organizing of Indians in villages around them; and the founding of schools, with humanist orientation, that established the foundation of the colonial culture.” (375)10
Pombal's expulsion of the Jesuit's from Portugual and thus Brazil tilted balance of Power in favour of the state. (376)
“The reason why Brazilian unity has been established over a vast territory, compared to the fragmentation of the former Spanish colonies in Latin America, has always been a matter of discussion. Three prominent Brazilian historians have credited such a mysterious unity to Catholic colonizing work. In fact, the dissemination of a form of global thinking of a religious nature, the dissemination of a single language through preaching and education as well as the presence of religious in all parts of Portuguese dominion may have been the main reason for such a unity.15 Americo Jacobina Lacombe says that "There is no doubt that the religious factor represents a unique and valuable contribution for the understanding of the historical mystery of our unity."16 “ (377)11

Points to Catholic priests sympathetic to Protestant influence, suggests Janseist influence.12
Influence of positivism encouraged religious indifference amongst educated classes.13
Points to the fact that Pedro II was a Freemason and had a tense relationship with the Catholic clergy.14
José Manuel da Conceição, who is famous as the first Brazilian Presbyterian pastor, was probably a follower of Father Feijó, favouring an Anglican style reform in Brazil.15
suggests that Immigrant German Roman Catholics became assimilated into the Lutheran Church in Brazil.16
Kalley “was admitted to the inner circle of friends of Emperor Pedro II and convinced the emperor to introduce civil marriage and civil birth and death certificates as well as the establishment of special places in the cemeteries for non-Catholic burials (1863). These acts constituted privileges for the Roman Catholic Church and used to cause serious problems for the new converts to protestantism.”17
“the lower classes constituted by "free men and the poor." The latter, characterized by messianic-millenist ideals, absorbed from the Protestant preaching the ideal of life as a pilgrimage in this world and the hope for a life of blessing in the "celestial future." The congregations formed by the missionaries never overcame this understanding of Christian life.” (384)18
“Because of its weak and denominationally parochial theological education, which made it vulnerable to the theological oscillation and conflicts existing in other theological centres, Brazilian protestantism was never able to make any synthesis that was adequate to the Brazilian cultural environment.” (385)19

AG MENDONÇA,”A History of Christianity in Brazil : An Interpretive Essay ” International Review of Mission 85:338 (1996) 367-387

Martin

o

prior to the 1950s "Brazil was something of an exception in having a staid Protestant Middle class"¹ (50)

"During roughly their first century in Latin America Protestants were regarded as alien invaders by conservatives...natural opponents of the alliance between church and state, and opponents of the teaching of the Catholic religion in state schools. Liberal governments and anti-clericals regarded them as allies of progress and friends of welfare." ²(50)

1985 Protestant Pastors> Catholic Priests in Brazil ³(50-51)

"two distinctive genealogies...conservative evangelicalism...correct grammar of belief ... Pentecostal ... gifts of the Spirit...two other genealogies propagating rapidly...the Adventists...closely related to the evangelical family...Mormons and Witnesses who belong to quite diffetrent genealogical trees."⁴ (52)

Shift towards autonomy and fragmentation⁵ (52)

Older protestants link with the Protestant Ethic..."had made their way into the lower middle class and professional classes."⁶ (53)

"Pentecostals....constitute a much more extensive engagement with the poor....the flexibility and variety brought about by fragmentation both enables them to stay popular...and to create offshoots which can be offered either to those who are ready for mobility or to those already in the middle class."⁷ (53)

Use of media...due to costs still area of significant North American involvement ⁸(53)

"an explosion of conservative evangelical religion, a shift towards Pentecostalism, a rejection of ecumenism, and the manifestation among many of those involved of the evangelical capacity to unite modern technology with political conservative." ⁹(54)

Breaks in Hispanic dominance: (1) British/ US influence creating Protestant enclaves¹⁰ (55)

(2) Migration to Latin America. Often migrants bring their religion; at times situation may make migrants more open to change. "Thus the Italian community in Brazil provided a fertile seedbed for the origins of a Pentecostal denomination, Brasil para Cristo." ¹¹(56) (3) Slave migration. Interesting not only because it brought African religions but because "Pentecostalism in part originated in black culture...and Pentecostalism today catches fire among the brushwood of spiritist cults with African roots." ¹²(56)

Influence of the Patronato system..."In some countries during the Enlightenment, notably Brazil, the church was neutered and barely recovered. It is true that the Brazilian church was eventually Romanized again in the twentieth century, but the years of attrition left it perilously weak....the Roman Catholic Church has suffered both from the way it was established and the manner in which it was disestablished. "¹³ (57)

Culture often resistant to Catholic teaching...celibacy inintelligible and actual attendance at church often regarded as "suitable only for the very young, the old and the women." ¹⁴(57)

significance of Catholicism not so much in doctrines but in "cultural and national identifications"¹⁵ (58)

divisions in the church over politics make it more vulnerable to Protestantism¹⁶ (58)

"Pentecostalism itself is a form of base community plus the therapeutic recourse to the Spirit found in Umbanda" ¹⁷(61)

Modern Brazilian History: (1) 1800s-1930s (2) 1930s until today with subdivision in 1964¹⁸ (61)

1850s-1930s (1) shift towards modernity whilst power and social structure remained the same (2) emergence of several middle classes, arrival of immigrants (3) shift from NE to SE; modern urban centres developing through industrialization, migration and dispersion of former slaves¹⁹ (61-62)

1891 separation of church and state, re-romanization of RCC ²⁰(62-63)

"Brazilians...were not well disposed towards the priesthood and celibacy, and rarely sought ordination...priests had to be brought in from abroad...the equation between Catholic faith and being a patriotic citizen has had less force and less success in Brazil than in many other parts of Latin America." ²¹(62)

Presbyterians: inital group to make impact. More conservative ones came to Brazil. Divided over nationalism; balance between education and evangelism; ministerial training and freemasonry ²²(63)

Baptists: greater stress on evangelism. More socially inclusive. Decentralized so could cope better with schism; ²³(63)

"The greater success of Baptists relative to Presbyterians presaged the future success of Pentecostals. The Pentecostals were in most respects like the Baptist, only more so."²⁴ (63)

Methodists contributed to education and welfare but not to the church.²⁵ (63)

"Protestants could find an opening either where there was movement as on the frontier, or where there was modest independence." ²⁶(64)

Protestantism: dislike of alcohol; promiscuity and dancing. Attachment to work and social mobility²⁷ (64)

Pastors: rural middle class; ascension of progeny; "were power brokers and patrons in prop²⁸er Brazilian style." (64)

authoritarian spirit in Protestantism paved way for division.²⁹ (64)

1930 Vargas coup--> industrialization + Urbanization. Emergence of working class as actors.³⁰ (64)

1930-1964 rapid expansion of Pentecostalism ³¹(65)

Pentecostalism...fully indigineous "cut people off from the wider society in order to raise them in a new religious framework."³² (65)

"Frase sums this up by saying that Pentecostalism offers the fruits of honesty and thrift and a surrogate family, as well as the chances of participation and a sense of work, meaning and empowerment."³³ (65)

Brasil para Cristo...use of modern communications...participation in secular politics...large central temple³⁴ (65)

expansion of Pentecostals into Middle class exemplified by R. McAlister's Church of New Life³⁵ (66)

1D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50.

2D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50.

3D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50–51.

4D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 52.

5D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 52.

6D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.

7D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.

8D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.

9D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 54.

10D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 55.

11D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 56.

12D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 56.

13D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 57.

14D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 57.

15D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 58.

16D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 58.

17D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61.

18D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61.

19D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61–62.

20D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 62–63.

21D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 62.

22D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.

23D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.

24D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.

25D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.

26D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

27D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

28D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

29D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

30D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

31D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.

32D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.

33D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.

34D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.

35D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 66.

Mendonca

AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79.

Briefly refers to an “invasion protestanism” attempted by French Hugenots and then Reformed Dutch invaders. Lack of success of invasions resulted in ephemeral nature of mission initiatives.¹

English influence/power over Portugal led to 1810 Treaty allowing Protestant entry/worship in Brazil but no proselytism allowed.²

German immigrants both Lutheran and reformed but organised as a common church under Lutheran identity (IECLB).³

IELB: somewhere between an immigrant church due to its German-American origin, and a mission church due to its intent to integrate in Brazilian culture.⁴

IECLB greater integration into Brazilian culture through the use of Portuguese in services and creating EST.⁵

Lutheran community numbering at close to a million.⁶

Ethnic protestant communities within urban areas.⁷

Role of Bible distributors seen to prepare the way for future missions, considered the poioneers of Brazilian protestantism- Daniel Kidder and James Fletcher.⁸ Refers to communities predisposed to accept Protestantism due to their prior reading of the Bible.⁹

J. Spaulding-methodist- first missionary in Brazil 1836 ended in 1841, restarted in 1876.¹⁰

Claims that all religious reformed traditions were present in Brazil by the end of the Empire with only the Presbyterians receiving autonomy during this period.¹¹Dates Baptist autonomy to 1925 with the Questao Radical.¹² points to the influence of nationalism and freemasonry in both cases.¹³

describes the period between 1930-1960 as a period of greater cooperation between Brazilian churches which ends with the military dictatoship as churches become more inward focused concerned with their own identities.¹⁴

1930s-1960s: (1) Churches favoured by anti-catholicism in Brazilian societies (2) Arrival of elements of the Social Gospel (3) Evangelism through campaingns and “series de conferencias” (4) Basketball, Mothers Day brought to Brazil through Protestants.¹⁵

1950s contemporary theological debates hit Brazilian seminaries/churches. Emergence of youth groups that were more ecumenical and concerned with social justice.¹⁶

Churches unready for this, fundamentalist influence of Carl McIntire, decline of youth congresses.¹⁷

“Se os protestantes de imigração formaram guetos culturais, os de missão criaram ilhas éticas. Ambos se tornaram estranhos à cultura brasileira aberta em seu modelo católico de cristandade.”¹⁸

Individualism of protestantism does not adjust to mass culture of Brazil.¹⁹

Pragmatic revivalism of missionaries coming to Brazil (1) minor role given to philosophy in education (2) reason-emotion dichotomy²⁰

Political conservatism of evangelical politicians.²¹

“As comunidades religiosas protestantes contribuem, ao exigir para si a presença de adeptos cujas famílias não pertencem, no seu todo, ao seu grêmio, para desestruturar grupos de solidariedade primária que se estendem a todos os demais de ordem secundária, como escolas, clubes, partidos e assim por diante.”²²

influence of pre-millenial thought and rejection of social gospel.²³ relationship to an attitude of pilgramage towards Brazil.²⁴

claims that neopentecostal churches do not emphasise the Holy Spirit as much. Rejects the label of fundamentalism because they do not read the Bible literally but for illustration.²⁵

1AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 49–52.

2AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 52.

3AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 52.

4AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 52.

5AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 53.

6AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 53.

7AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 53.

8AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 54.

9AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 54.

10AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 55.

11AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 55.

12AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 55–56.

13AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 56.

14AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 56–57.

15AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 58.

16AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 59.

17AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 59–60.

18AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 61.

19AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 62.

20AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 64–65.

21AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 67.

22AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 68.

23AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 69–71.

24AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 71.

25AG Mendonça, “Protestantismo brasileiro, uma interpretação histórica” in BM de Souza & LMS Martino (eds), Sociologia da Religião e Mudança Social, (São Paulo: Paulus, 2004) 49–79, 75.

Jardilino ctd

" O protestantismo, por exemplo, entra na sociedade brasileira quando grupos sociais, desejosos dos ideais liberais da modernidade, o avalizam e preparam o terreno para sua chegada. Esse momento

histórico, sinalizado pelo cansaço do domínio colonial inglês acaba permitindo a entrada de novos atores na cena político-econômica latino-americana. A elite brasileira se encontrava seduzida pelo modelo anglo-saxônico de pensamento e progresso. Esse ideal e a Questão da separação entre a Igraja e o Estado monárquico possibilitaram a entrada de uma nova proposta religiosa na sociedade latinoamericana.... A inserção do protestantismo no Brasil deve ser considerada também como um projeto político...Pode-se falar de um proselitismo da razão. A sedução do sagrado se dá neste momento, via a racionalidade da fé, deixando de lado toda experiência sacramentalista e mística, considerada como símbolo do atraso frente aos avanços políticos, sociais e econômicos das nações protestantes." ¹

1JRL Jardilino, 'Sedução e Conversão Religiosa num Contexto de Globalização', NURES 1 (2005), 1–11, 6–7.

Gomes

"Protestantismo brasileiro, em suas origens históricas, vem de duas matrizes: a) O Protestantismo de imigração formado por imigrantes alemães e ingleses de confissão luterana e anglicana, especialmente nos estados do Rio Grande do Sul e Santa Catarina; b) O Protestantismo de matriz puritana, de missões, de natureza conversionista, que abrange os presbiterianos, metodistas, congregacionais, batistas etc. Este autor acrescenta uma outra vertente, ainda não pesquisada no Brasil, e que se encontra de igual modo na gênese do Protestantismo brasileiro: é aquele "Protestantismo de Exílio", no qual se inclui o presbiteriano sulista norte-americano, vindo para Campinas, Santa Bárbara do Oeste e Americana após a Guerra da Secessão." ¹(

1A Gomes, 'As Representações Sociais do Corpo e da Sexualidade no Protestantismo Brasileiro', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2006), 1–38, 18–19.

George ctd

1930s-1960s saw national churches seeking cultural identity and autonomy¹ (105)

"Latin Protestants emphasized the centrality of the Bible, evangelistic preaching, and planting new churches." ²(105)

o

refers to Freston's three waves of Pentecostal growth in Brazil³ (105)

o

refers to the emerging social consciousness through CLADE and FTL⁴ (106)

o

"In a research project in Brazil focused on the question, What is the response, or responses, of Pentecostalism to the suffering of the poor? Richard Shaull and Waldo Cesar discovered “a new

interpretive paradigm of Christianity and its emergence among the poor of the Third World.” After conducting a lengthy series of interviews, they became convinced that Pentecostalism provides specific blessings and daily solutions to concrete problems related to health, food, money, and amily relationships. Salvation is a miraculous solution. It is “in the experience of merging in one gesture the transcendent with the immanent” that “perhaps the greatest miracle of the Pentecostal proposal of faith is engraved: survival in the midst of the marginality of life.” The gifts of the Spirit provide a democratic leveling, a sense of dignity, and empowerment. Personal evangelism propels Pentecostals into the world, where they occupy a new public political space as they engage those suffering social and economic problems."⁵

1SK George, 'Brazil: An "Evangelized" Giant Calling for Liberating Evangelism' International Bulletin of Missionary Research 26:3 (2002) 104–109, 105.

2SK George, 'Brazil: An "Evangelized" Giant Calling for Liberating Evangelism' International Bulletin of Missionary Research 26:3 (2002) 104–109, 105.

3SK George, 'Brazil: An "Evangelized" Giant Calling for Liberating Evangelism' International Bulletin of Missionary Research 26:3 (2002) 104–109, 105.

4SK George, 'Brazil: An "Evangelized" Giant Calling for Liberating Evangelism' International Bulletin of Missionary Research 26:3 (2002) 104–109, 106.

5SK George, 'Brazil: An "Evangelized" Giant Calling for Liberating Evangelism' International Bulletin of Missionary Research 26:3 (2002) 104–109, 106.