emphasises difficulties in quantifying Brazilian religious scene.
prior to the coming of the royal family in 1808 Priests would board ships in Brazilian ports to make sure no Protestants came in.
D João VI wishing to occupy empty areas encouraged immigration. Many of the first German immigrants were of Protestant origin raising the religious question.
First constitution limited freedom of religion with restriction regarding sites of worship, building temples and proselitism.
end of slave trade increased even further the need for immigrants, encouraging the arrival of more protestants.
influence of revivalism and Bible Societies on American Missionaries.
Kalley—founded first Portuguese speaking church in Brazil “Igreja Evangelica” linked by author to the use of evangelical to designate all non-Catholic Christians in Brazil. contact between Kalley and D Pedro II, able to result in greater religious freedom.
Presbyterians in Brazil, result of the coming together of missions from the Northern and Southern Synods in America. Suggests that this encouraged future schisms.
Most American missionaries came from the South, which had a conversionist theology, than from the North where the Social Gospel was prevalent.
Claims that by the end of the 19th century all major existing protestant denominations were present in Brazil, although the Congregationalists had yet to organize themselves as a denomination. This would happen in 1913.
Initial pentecostal churches in Brazil came from historical churches fragmented by their contact with Pentecostalism.
Presbyterian origins of Francescon Fast growth of Congr. Crista amongst Italian immigrants. No hired workers, led by elder. No formal liturgy, open prophecy rather than preacing. Francescon only foreigner involved in CC. Never lived in Brazil. Considered the most closed of all denominations, avoids cooperation, does not count members, has no literature, seminaries. Does not teach concerning tithes or raise offerings during the service.
Notes the transient, rootless nature of initial Pentecostal leaders in Brazil.
Swedish roots of Assemblies of God: 1) Vingren and Berg 2) Pastor of Baptist Church in Para, Erik Nillson was Swedish. 3) Supported by a Swedish missionary led by Pethrus 4) received many missionaries from Sweden 5) Move to Rio in 1930 marks the greater national identity of AoG.
Independent Baptists, also of Swedish Pentecostal origin.
1940s AoG > CC.
initially both AoG and CC adopted the congregational model. After a while the AoG develops a hybrid model based on Ministeries (Mother Church+ daughter churches) under Pastor Presidents, the size of these ministries depending on the charisma and dynamism of this Pastor President.
1930 Pentecostals already 27% of Brazilian evangelicals.
Link of the 4SQ church with the Cruzada Nacional de Evangelizacao (CNE). Use of healings and exorcisms. Use of circus tents for compaigns, use of radio and campaigns in public areas. Began in a Presbyterian church and affected many others who were forced to leave the denomination. Crusade became 4SQ. Increased fragmentation of Pentecostal scene.
Manoel de Melo (Brasil para Cristo): 1) Former AoG and 4SQ 2) emphasis on healing and exorcism, faced lawsuits accusing him of charlatanism. 3) rented cinemas 4) built a large temple 5) political involvement.
Sectarian nature of Deus e Amor refusing to collaborate with other denominations.
Pentecostal division within CBB, legal wrangles over property. Emergence of National Baptist Convention. Division amongst Presbyterians and Methodists.
Hard to trace these dissident groups as they often are simply labelled as “other Pentecostals.” Nonetheless they tend to maintain a similar convention/council form of ecclesiology, unlike Pentecostal churches where power tends to be concentrated in the hands of a charismatic leader. Informal networks created between the leaders of such groups.
Claims that both historical churches and pentecostal churches have neopentecostal congregations emerging without splits [note Siepierski writes before G-12 hitting Brazil big-time]. Exception is the split in the AoG through the emergence of the “Madureira” ministry, with a more liberal approach to “usos e costumes.”
Comunidade da Graca, emerging from 4SQ denomination, not so significant due to institutional growth but for the way it became a model for many “community” churches.
1970s ff...Paraeclesiastical groups begin to emerge. Although top hierarchy are suspiscious of them in many denominations, receive acceptance from middle leadership and help facilitate communication amongst many denominations.
Renascer: emphasis on hereditary curses rather than on conflict with ABR religions.
Universal and Reascer: Function as holdings.
Describes Gospel companies run by REC. Points to the fact that church encourages members to do business with members affiliated to AREPE (businessmen association of REC) who will in turn contribute to church's social projects.
Origins of the REC in the Cristo Salva Church (Tio Cassio) where the Hernandes couple used to go and which pioneered the use of new music and less rigid uses and customs in engaging with youth.
Outlines history of REC, from its being founded in 1986. Key points 1) initial focus on young people through contemporary expression of music. 2) Brunt of its initial membership young people discontent in other churches who then were followed by their parents. 3) Gospel Records 4) Katsbarnea 5) Lately shift seems to be increasingly to focusing on middle-class businessmen.
Centrality of offerings in liturgy. Justified by appealing to social work of the church.
controversy over luxurious lifestyle of Hernandes.
aggressive appeal for offerings, and luxurious lifestyle, defended through Prosperity Theology.
Episcopal structure of the church, with Hernandes as Apostle.
Describes the role of marketing in the church. Shows how Hernandes explicitly uses market language to describe the church's ministry and the intensive marketing of the couple's image.
Church adminstered through the Fundacao Renascer, which centralizes all funding and resources.
Gospel Records, March for Jesus and SOS da Vida Renascer projects.
Involvement in church 1) going to services 2) offering 3) buying Gospel products 4) participating in musical groups 5) Working as volunteers on the various social projects 6) Training in the Escola de Profetas 7) Participating in megaevents.
AoG participation in 1988 Constituinte intensified due to the rumour-without any evidence- that Catholic Church was lobbying to be made official religion.
outlines l scandals of evangelical politicians post 1988
outlines evangelical participation in politics in the 1990s especially by the IURD.
Describes political involvement of the REC and defection from supporting Francisco Rossi to supporting Maluf and his candidates (suggest links with recognition of Fundacao Renascer as Philanthropic agency)
Despite overall failure of American tele-evangelism on Brazilian TV, opened the doors for the use of that kind of media by Brazilian evangelicals.
explores evangelical penetration of TV. Temptation for corruption engendered by the monopoly of the concession of stations by the Brazilian government.
REC, music, “show” greater centrality than sermon.
Describes REC entry into the Radio industry, and TV up to the purchase of Gospel TV (UHF) and the failed purchase of Manchete.
Describes Renascer services as spectacles.
David Miranda, exorcism, live on radio.
SOS da Vida as a means for publicising Gospel Records products.
Marcha para Jesus allows REC to punch above its institutional level. Sipierski explores the emphasis on music [unaware of Kendrick's influence in the UK March?] and link with exodus [but does not explore issue of territorial spirits]. Provides a sense of belonging and international community.
Sees a relationship between neo-pentecostal growth and the failure of traditional institutions to provide meaning when faced with the dramatic social changes of the late 20th century.
Links neo-pentecostalism with Protestantism 1) appeal to Scriptures 2) appeal to the illumination of the Holy Spirit 3) Appropriates mystical reader-response hermeneutics of Pentecostalism to produce dynamic contemporary readings
institutional fragility of Pentecostalism seen to encourage emergence of charismatic leaders such as E. Hernandes. Power of these leaders to mobilize faithful.
Challenge for neopentecostal churches: 1) retain faithfulness of followers 2) attract their resources.
Suggests their power lies in bringing symbolic answers to the key questions of human existence, and applying them to everyday issues.
Claims that in relation to businessmen, REC attracts as it allows them to celebrate their relative success, in a society where other expressions (e.g. Catholicism) lead to guilt.
Claims that teaching on spiritual warfare (in explaining why some have not been blessed) and prosperity theology (in explaining why others have been blessed) are mutually complementary.
