Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

A Prophetic History
“With little access to the city's precarious health care facilities and neglected by the Catholic church, many ill Belenenses and their families came to the Assemblies of God as a last resort.”1 (28)
refers to trips made by Berg and Vingren to the Southeast and the change of HQ to RJ in 1930.2 (29)
Swedish leaders decision to nationalise the church in 1930.3 (30)
Although CC growth was faster in the earlier years it was also highly regionalised, whereas by 1940 AoG had spread to all states and territories.4 (31)
Persecution of Protestants in Vargas era; Neo-Christendom, stoning of churches but few lost their lives.5 (33)
National Evangelisation Crusade--> novelty; wide press coverage, collective healing sessions.6 (35) Followed by resistance from Pentecostal leaders so that Williams founded Crusade Church which then became IEQ.7 (36)
Use of sertanejo rhythms helped Manoel de Mello's success amongst Northeastern migrants.8 (37)
Exorcism a major feature of Deus e Amor church including calling upon evil spirits from Umbanda to be collectively exorcised by congregation.9 (38-39)
“Unlike the omnipresent Jesus and Holy Spirit of Pentecostal churches, the saints of popular Catholicism tend to be fixed to particular locales and do not travel easily.”10 (40)
claims that many Pentecostal leaders because women can use it to challenge the authority of the pastors.11 (43)
“Middle class Pentecostals in the Central Temple and larger churches had little tolerance for the rustic Portuguese of unlettered preachers.”12 (43)
prefers the term postmodern to neo-pentecostal as the latter does not allow one to distinguish between the modern BPC and IEQ and the IURD.13 (45)
claims that prosperity theology was imported from the US.14 (47) refers to a “five keys of prosperity change in an IEQ church.15 (178 note 18)

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Conversion, Crises, Cure and Affliction
points to outreach by crentes as opposed to Catholic Church and Umbanda which expect people to come to them.1 75
main recruitment along family lines.2 77-78
claims healing (86.4 % of his informants experienced some form) plays a far more important role than speaking in tongues (46.8% of informants do it regularly).3 80
success of deliverance in IURD has led other churches to incorporate it.4 83
“Congregants [especially due to irregular marriage circumstances] constitute approximately 40 percent of all those who regularly attend worship services and participate in church activities.5 90

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Health Maintenance: Spiritual Ecstasy and Mutual Aid
importance of the experience of God's power.1 92-93
“Spiritual baptism provides a phenomenological bridge to the new faith for poor Brazilians familiar with spirit possession in African-Brazilian religion.”2 94
“In Latin American Pentecostalism...the Holy Spirit is a decidedly masculine being...penetrates the believer, injecting her with seminal power.”3 95
“the Holy Spirit operates as a sort of divine patron, offering protection in exchange for service and loyalty.”4 96
“The AD's organizational design, though centralized, has left the churches of the baixadas with sufficient autonomy to maintain the priesthood of all believers.”5 (98) contrast this with the more authoritarian nature of the “postmodern” Pentecostal churches [can they be postmodern, then?]6 (98) claims that in the latter, members become the beneficiaries, but not the practitioners of gifts which are concentrated in the leaders.7 (99)
Speaking in tongues, escape from speaking in a Portuguese which is ridiculed by the rest of society.8 (100)
Healing, beyond pastors is exercised by exceptionally devout women; status on pastor dependent on talent as healer.9 (102)
“So fundamental is music to Pentecostal liturgy in Brazil that it typically comprises two-thirds of the culto.”10 (102)
Significance of mutual aid in the church, often through informal networks rather than the institution.11 (104) Role as a job bank.12 (105) role of pastors as employment agents.13 (106)

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Authoritarian Assembly: Church Organization
“In its theological and musical training programs, bureaucratic division of labour and profound concern for civil status the AD now resembles its mainline brethren more than it does the independent Pentecostal denominations of the slums.”1 (129-130)
coins the term “participatory authoritarianism” to describe how despite much grass roots activities of members in lower level offices “the head of the church decides on important matters behind closed doors with a cabal of pastors.”2 130
How a Portuguese member of the AD in Belem returned to Portugal as a missionary in 1914.3 135
“The abundance of organizations at the congregational and intercongregational level provides seemingly limitless opportunities for active engagement in church life.”4 135
church provides many women with the first opportunity for extra domestic activity.5 137
breakdown of “usos e costumes” seen as an adulteration of the gospel by many older generation Assembleianos; particular concern in not being able to distinguish “crentes” from Catholics.6 (142)
Pentecostal Politics in Para
points to the “evangelico vota em evangelico” slogan.7 (154)
claims it is common for AD pastor-presidents to encourage their offspring to seek elected office.8 (160)
Conclusion
“apocalyptic discourse suffused Pentecostal preaching, but in the narratives of individual crentes, the Second Coming received scant attention compared to the trials and tribulations of their everyday lives.”9 (167)

Escobar

“The paradigm that is ending is the colonial paradigm of "important" missionaries as representatives of the highly civilized and developed world taking a downward mobility trip to civilize and evangelize poor natives in faraway places. That was mission from above, from a position of power, progress, and prestige. In many places now, willingly or unwillingly, mission has to be carried on "from below," from positions of vulnerability, lack of political protection, and scarcity of funds.” (88)1
“At the same time, howeverL from the religious margins of American society, a disorganized and unconventional missionary movement was taking place. Historians have had difficulty recording it or paying attention to it even though in more than one place it had a surprising success” (89)2

“At the same time, howeverL from the religious margins of American society, a disorganized and unconventional missionary movement was taking place. Historians have had difficulty recording it or paying attention to it even though in more than one place it had a surprising success” (89)1
“Having come from the hardships of marginality in Sweden and migration in Chicago, it was not difficult for Vingren and Berg to adopt a self-supporting missionary style, to mix with the common folk and to live with them. Historians now realize that this Swedish strand in the history of Brazilian pentecostals contrasts with the style of the American missionaries who came later when the Assemblies of God in the United States had reached a certain degree of institutionalization and respectability.
Their background as marginal migrants and heretics in Sweden was a definite element in the missionary style that Vingren and Berg adopted. Not having a long-established ecclesiastical tradition, they gave more freedom to the Brazilian converts to find organizational patterns and evangelistic methodologies that were contextual. Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians in Brazil had educational efforts and intentional strategies to reach the upper classes and to form a middle class. Berg and Vingren reached the bottom of the social scale and allowed the birth of a church that could be wholly contextual in its social environment.” (90)2

S Escobar, “Mission from the Margins to the Margins: Two Case Studies from Latin America” Missiology 26:1 (1998), 87–95

Wrege

Points out that until 1950s Assembleis of God was still under Swedish leadership.¹

Recent innovations in AoG are in the use of television and in greater theological preparation for leaders.²

greater freedom for women in FSQ in Brazil.³ Anerican leadership prominent until 1980s.⁴

Cong. Cristã: Presbyterian origins of Francescon reflected in doctrine of Predestination. Working-class origin affected the populist character of denomination. Strong emphasis of spontaneous prophecy.⁵ Middle class element in church.⁶

Brasil para Cristo: concern with social problems. Outreach to those affected by rural exodus.⁷

Although Deus é Amor has a strong record and radio industry, as it forbids its members to watch televion.⁸ Emphasis on healing and strong admiration of members for David Miranda.⁹ Admiration results in his family occupying key positions in the hierarchy.¹⁰

Points to the current blurring of boundaries between renovada and traditional churches.¹¹

Questions whether “usos e costumes” can be used to create a strong boundary between pentecostal and neo-pentecostal churches as 1) FSQ was always more flexible 2) Urban AoGs are becoming increasingly more open.¹²

Regarding disease: Whilst IURD accepts both physical and spiritual causes for disease (except for the case of mental illness) the IIGD attributes disease fully to spiritual causes.¹³

Use of holy objects in IURD and IIGD to mediate healing.¹⁴

Similarity in money raising techniques between IURD and Deus é Amor churches. Especially through the mechanism of giving money in blocks.¹⁵

1RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 50.

2RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 50.

3RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 50.

4RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 52.

5RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 52.

6RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 53.

7RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 53.

8RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 54.

9RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 54.

10RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 55.

11RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 55–56.

12RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 57–58.

13RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 60.

14RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 62,

15RS Wrege, As Igrejas Neopentecostais: Educação e Doutrinação, Doctoral Thesis (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2001) 63.

Guimaraes

"Esta pesquisa se iniciou com uma suspeita: a mentalidade escatológica dos pentecostais da Assembléia de Deus2 e particularmente da Assembléia de Deus em Belo Horizonte teria conhecido seu ápice entre os anos 80 e início dos 90. Por quê? Politicamente, o Brasil superava o apogeu da ditadura militar lentamente em direção à distensão do regime autoritário e à democratização, passando da perseguição aos comunistas e aos opositores do regime para o retorno dos perseguidos através da anistia e à abertura política. Por outro, o debate em torno do perigo da destruição do mundo através de uma hecatombe nuclear tornava-se mais acessível ao homem comum, principalmente através da popularização da mídia.3 A televisão começava seu ritmo espantoso de crescimento em direção a todas as classes sociais brasileiras, a partir de fins dos anos 60 e início dos 70, tornando mais fácil o acesso à informação da população, apesar da tentativa de controle dos meios de comunicação através da censura.4 Dentro do ambiente pentecostal, os livros e as matérias jornalísticas de conteúdo apocalíptico reproduziam, com certas peculiaridades, o imaginário da sociedade brasileira. Depois deste período, esta mentalidade conheceu uma fase delatência entre aqueles pentecostais que viveram estes anos, se estendendo até os dias atuais, conforme será verificado mais adiante."¹ (33-34)

emphasis on relationship of the text with contemporary events in pentecostal churches. ²(38-39)

9/10 of those researched believe that we are living in the last days³ (38-39)

link between the pouring out of the spirit and the coming of Christ ⁴(39-41)

o

"Os sinais apontados pelos entrevistados fazem uma conjugação de citações literais de passagens de textos bíblicos, associando-as aos acontecimentos contemporâneos, "confundindo" os dois momentos. Há uma apreensão dos eventos que circundam a sociedade moderna, facilitada, com certeza, pela multiplicação dos meios de comunicação."⁵ (42)

"Para os pentecostais, sua identidade - pessoal e coletiva - é tanto afirmativa quanto negativa. Enquanto positiva, ela está relacionada ao relacionamento místico com o Espírito Santo, aos benefícios que esta experiência com o Espírito traz para a vida diária: os dons miraculosos, as curas, a direção de Deus nas escolhas pessoais e profissionais, o estímulo ao melhor desempenho da sua vocação. Ser pentecostal equivale a ser um escolhido e a ser plenamente cristão, de forma semelhante aos apóstolos, visto que a experiência pentecostal teria a capacidade de construir uma ponte entre essas duas épocas. A busca pela legitimação da identidade pentecostal no passado aponta também para o presente, ao atualizar uma experiência considerada paradigmática."⁶ (46)

"os pentecostais se consideram batizados com o Espírito Santo, novas criaturas, pessoas renovadas que, em sua relação com os outros, possuem traços diferenciados que os singularizam e produzem uma auto-imagem particular. Se consideram cristãos à semelhança de outros evangélicos, porém são crentes quentes em contraposição aos frios."⁷ (47) significance of speaking in tongues⁸ (47-48)

importance of the left behind literature in Brazil⁹ (49)

"O que observamos, no caso brasileiro em estudo, é que, pelo contrário, o componente escatológico teve uma continuidade desde as suas origens até os dias atuais. A partir das entrevistas realizadas, percebemos que a mentalidade escatológica dos pentecostais é permanente: em determinados períodos, ela continua existindo em um estado de latência e, de repente, sobrevem com um forte ímpeto à superfície. A dificuldade em percebê-la deve-se ao fato de que ela parece moribunda. Mas, uma conjugação de uma leitura dos acontecimentos atuais a partir da interpretação bíblica, pode rapidamente conduzi-la ao fervor. Que tipos de acontecimentos? Catástrofes naturais, guerras, pestes e outros fatos tidos como sinais precursores da volta de Cristo. Na vida cotidiana, o estado de latência parecer ser o normal. O fervor, todavia, é imprevisível porque alguns fatores externos têm a capacidade de desencadear uma mentalidade preexistente. Estas duas considerações precisariam ser mais bem analisadas, tanto na sua dimensão diacrônica interna à Assembléia de Deus quanto em relação a outros grupos pentecostais e à sociedade em geral."¹⁰

1RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 33–34.

2RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 38–39.

3RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 38–39.

4RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 39‏–41.

5RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 42.

6RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 46.

7RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 47.

8RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 47–48.

9RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 49.

10RF Guimarães, ' Os últimos dias: os pentecostais e o imaginário do fim dos tempos', Revista de Estudos da Religião 1 (2005), 31–53, 50–51.

Damascena and Padua ctd

recognises that Brazilian Pentecostalism has acquired its own characteristics¹ (148) well received especially amongst nominal Catholics ²(148) lack of research to show where the new Pentecostals have come from ³(148)

eclipse of the Congregacao Crista by the Assemblies of God in part due to the calvinism of the former and the public evangelism of the latter⁴ (149)

Urbanization: growth and fragmentation of Pentecostalism⁵ (149-150)

modernization in Brazil conservative "economic development is accompanied by the maintenance of social inequalities"⁶ (150)

"The continued growth of industrialisation, economic stagnation and urban overcrowding caused by the modernisation of the countryside were important factors for the success of the IURD⁷

1AD Martins & LP de Pádua, 'The Option for the Poor and Pentecostalism in Brazil', Exchange 31:2(2002), 136–156, 148.

2AD Martins & LP de Pádua, 'The Option for the Poor and Pentecostalism in Brazil', Exchange 31:2(2002), 136–156, 148.

3AD Martins & LP de Pádua, 'The Option for the Poor and Pentecostalism in Brazil', Exchange 31:2(2002), 136–156, 148.

4AD Martins & LP de Pádua, 'The Option for the Poor and Pentecostalism in Brazil', Exchange 31:2(2002), 136–156, 149.

5AD Martins & LP de Pádua, 'The Option for the Poor and Pentecostalism in Brazil', Exchange 31:2(2002), 136–156, 149–150.

6AD Martins & LP de Pádua, 'The Option for the Poor and Pentecostalism in Brazil', Exchange 31:2(2002), 136–156, 150.

7AD Martins & LP de Pádua, 'The Option for the Poor and Pentecostalism in Brazil', Exchange 31:2(2002), 136–156, 151.

Chesnut Salvation

presents Benedita da Silva as an example of left wing Brazilian pentecostal politics¹ (33-34)

locates Pentecostals as centre to right politically. Reinforce clientilism and status quo² (34)

fear of communism behind AoG support of military coup³ (35)

with the progressive turn in the RC Church the military recruited the AoG in Belem to a patronage relationship with the military providing funding and the AoG providing votes and public support⁴ (35-37)

under civilian rule sought to elect deputires and supported Collor⁵ (39-43)

common for AoG pastors to encourage children to enter politics⁶ (43)

1RA Chesnut, “The Salvation Army or the Army's Salvation?: Pentecostal Politics in Amazonian Brazil, 1962-1992,” Luso-Brazilian Review 36:2 (1999) 33-49, 33–34.

2RA Chesnut, “The Salvation Army or the Army's Salvation?: Pentecostal Politics in Amazonian Brazil, 1962-1992,” Luso-Brazilian Review 36:2 (1999) 33-49, 34.

3RA Chesnut, “The Salvation Army or the Army's Salvation?: Pentecostal Politics in Amazonian Brazil, 1962-1992,” Luso-Brazilian Review 36:2 (1999) 33-49, 35.

4RA Chesnut, “The Salvation Army or the Army's Salvation?: Pentecostal Politics in Amazonian Brazil, 1962-1992,” Luso-Brazilian Review 36:2 (1999) 33-49, 35–37.

5RA Chesnut, “The Salvation Army or the Army's Salvation?: Pentecostal Politics in Amazonian Brazil, 1962-1992,” Luso-Brazilian Review 36:2 (1999) 33-49, 39–43.

6RA Chesnut, “The Salvation Army or the Army's Salvation?: Pentecostal Politics in Amazonian Brazil, 1962-1992,” Luso-Brazilian Review 36:2 (1999) 33-49, 43.

Barreto

interesting for the way it outlines the division amongst evangelicals regarding the Nova Iguacu elections with the Assemblies of God on one side and the IURD on the other [though the author does not explore the possibility of rivalry between the churches]. Use of spiritual warfare language by the Garotinho couple and assistentialism to set up a patron/client relationship ultimately fails. ¹

1AS Barreto, 'Notícias de uma guerra: estratégias, ameaças e orações', Horizontes Antropológicos, 13:27 (2007), 183–212.

Anderson ctd

Assemblies of God in Brazil, the largest Assemblies of God in any nation, and independent of its American counterpart ¹

1A. Anderson, 'Writing the Pentecostal history of Africa, Asia and Latin America' Journal of Beliefs and Values Volume 25 Issue 4 (August 2004), 139–151, 144.

Almeida ctd

AOG temples on main roads and favelas "estrutura interna organizada a partir de redes familiares muitas delas montadas no processo migratório" ¹(22)

IURD--> main road, large temples and cathedrals; emphasis on visibility and marketing² (23)

Although common to claim that the IURD had become the largest evangelical church 2000 census shows it 4th behind AoG; Baptists and Congregacao Crista ³(23)

Evangelical--->community--->building; IURD--->building (often near bus terminals and commercial centres)---> Converts⁴ (24)

IURD--> caixa único similar to RCC; movement away from congregational community to a spiritual support centre ⁵(

1R Almeida, “ Religião na Metrópole Paulista,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:56 (2004) 15–27, 22.

2R Almeida, “ Religião na Metrópole Paulista,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:56 (2004) 15–27, 23.

3R Almeida, “ Religião na Metrópole Paulista,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:56 (2004) 15–27, 23.

4R Almeida, “ Religião na Metrópole Paulista,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:56 (2004) 15–27, 24.

5R Almeida, “ Religião na Metrópole Paulista,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 19:56 (2004) 15–27, 24.