Smith

fundamentalism as a survival strategy in the precarious nature of Latin America¹

points to women ministers in neopentecostal megachurches engaging in battling gang violence.²

“If traditional Protestants have sold their soul to reason...then Spirit-filled relgious leades to sustain their authority, must reclaim their founding myths, and must either usurp existing religious institutions or create new ones.”³

Influence of colonels in pentecostal and neopentecostal churches.⁴

Only 15 of 60 evangelical politicians re-elected.⁵

Spiitual Jorurney of many Latin Americans traditional Catholicism--> traditional protestants--->neopentecostals-->back door.⁶

1D Smith, “Media, Politics and Fundamentalism in Latin America” World Association for Christian Communication Homepage, available online at http://www.wacc.org.uk/wacc/publications/media_development/2007_1/media_politics_and_fundamentalism_in_latin america, 1

2D Smith, “Media, Politics and Fundamentalism in Latin America” World Association for Christian Communication Homepage, available online at http://www.wacc.org.uk/wacc/publications/media_development/2007_1/media_politics_and_fundamentalism_in_latin america, 2.

3D Smith, “Media, Politics and Fundamentalism in Latin America” World Association for Christian Communication Homepage, available online at http://www.wacc.org.uk/wacc/publications/media_development/2007_1/media_politics_and_fundamentalism_in_latin america, 3.

4D Smith, “Media, Politics and Fundamentalism in Latin America” World Association for Christian Communication Homepage, available online at http://www.wacc.org.uk/wacc/publications/media_development/2007_1/media_politics_and_fundamentalism_in_latin america, 4.

5D Smith, “Media, Politics and Fundamentalism in Latin America” World Association for Christian Communication Homepage, available online at http://www.wacc.org.uk/wacc/publications/media_development/2007_1/media_politics_and_fundamentalism_in_latin america, 4.

6D Smith, “Media, Politics and Fundamentalism in Latin America” World Association for Christian Communication Homepage, available online at http://www.wacc.org.uk/wacc/publications/media_development/2007_1/media_politics_and_fundamentalism_in_latin america, 5.

Petersen

"Although the early participants in the movement were on the margins of society—”the loose dust of the earth for the wind to blow away,” as described not long ago by one Latin American theologian—the rippling waves of the Pentecostal experience have flowed into almost every sector of religious and secular society." ¹(66)

o

"Italian Luigi Francescon, filled with the Spirit during a visit to the Azusa Street Mission, carried the Pentecostal message to the south of Brazil and Argentina. Swedes Daniel Berg and Gunnar Vingren, who introduced Pentecostalism into the northern states of Brazil, were brought into Pentecost through the Chicago center, an offspring of Azusa Street,"² (66)

o

"Latin American Pentecostals, despite immense diversity, have at the core a supernatural worldview perspective that is codified through religious symbols and practices such as glossolalia and healings, supernatural interventions, participative worship, and expression in music." ³(67)

1D Petersen, ' The Azusa Street Mission and Latin American Pentecostalism', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:2 (2006), 66–67, 66.

2D Petersen, ' The Azusa Street Mission and Latin American Pentecostalism', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:2 (2006), 66–67, 66.

3D Petersen, ' The Azusa Street Mission and Latin American Pentecostalism', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30:2 (2006), 66–67, 67.

Passos

"Os pentecostais, inseridos nessa passagem, alimentam-se do passado religioso lentamente consolidado e do presente metropolitano que se instaura numa dinâmica de rupturas e continuidades."¹ (121)

Brazil, late urbanism and accelerated metropolisation² (121)

rural nature of colonial period; arrested modernisation; hegemony of patronage iberian catholicism, medieval and pre-tridentine³ (121)

"Os números demonstram um crescimento vertiginoso da população urbana, sobretudo a partir da segunda metade do século XX. No início deste século, era de 1,2 milhão; em 1950, em torno de 18 milhões; dez anos mais tarde, 32 milhões; em 1970, atinge 52 milhões; em 1980, avança para 82 milhões e, na década de 90, chega a 120 milhões " ⁴(122)

rural exodus-->chaotic urbanization " A maioria da população fica excluída dos benefícios da modernização trazida pelas cidades, desde os mais básicos bens de subsistência, até a inserção nos bens culturais, pelo acesso à educação fundamental e superior. Portanto, a metropolização brasileira está longe de significar um processo de modernização como aquele vivenciado pelos países do Norte." ⁵(122)

"É nessa dinâmica que, a nosso ver, devem ser inscritos os movimentos pentecostais: herdeiros de uma passado religioso, lentamente consolidado e, simultaneamente, resultado dos processos metropolitanos acelerados. Trata- se de vinhos velhos em odres novos, ofertas religiosas que respondem, a um só tempo, a arquétipos cristalizados do passado e às exigências espaço-temporais do presente. 5 Os fiéis pentecostais passam por um processo de conversão às novas condições urbanas, sem perder suas referências religiosas fundamentais. A conversão vai adaptando as massas dentro do espaço e do tempo da grande cidade e atiçando a velha lógica de leitura do mundo e da vida, bem como as estratégias capazes de estabelecer equilíbrio dentro do caos. O velho persiste no fundo, o novo impera na forma, compondo uma periferia dinâmica no conjunto de significados religiosos." ⁶(123)

"a religião pentecostal entra em cena como estratégia de solução e significação da passagem, determinando os limites dentro do grande espaço sem limites, restabelecendo os laços de proximidade, compondo sentidos gerais e resistindo ou negociando com o novo" ⁷(124)

" Os grupos pentecostais ajudam a construir esses laços, compondo uma nova vizinhança, baseada não na relação de parentesco consangüí-neo, mas de parentesco espiritual." ⁸(125)

relates pentecostal practice of congregations on the periphery and mega-churches in the centre to Catholic practice of local sanctuary central cathedral⁹ (125-126)

individualism:

"falar ao sujeito ouvinte (meu amigo, meu irmão, você que me ouve, você que está aqui, caro leitor, Jesus pode salvar você, você pode conseguir); - referir-se a situações particulares (você que está com dor na coluna, você que tem problemas com a família, você que está desempregado, você que quer ir bem nos negó- cios, você que está triste); - provocar uma experiência pessoal (feche os olhos, entregue seu problema a Jesus, peça a Jesus que resolva seu problema, sinta Jesus tocando seu coração, sinta Jesus libertando, fale com Jesus, você pode ficar à vontade, chorar, sorrir, gritar);

- estimular a auto-estima (você pode, Jesus te ama, Jesus vai realizar o que prometeu, você é herdeiro de uma promessa, basta você acreditar, basta entregar-se a Jesus, basta crer que conseguirá); - solicitar um gesto pessoal (levante a mão quem quer..., venha até a frente, cante, entregue-se concretamente, dê seu voto pessoal, receba a unção, pegue o envelope, faça uma oferta)." ¹⁰(126)

"uem presencia um culto pentecostal sente-se, simultaneamente, atingido individualmente e implicado na massa de fiéis, que vai se envolvendo e respondendo aos apelos do pregador. É nesse sentido que alguns especialistas falam em .individualismo coletivo. para designar essas assembléias. O papel do público parece ser o de produzir o frenesi coletivo, a contaminação emocional, a efervescência religiosa que vão sendo configurados pelo espetáculo da fé. O espetacular se dá numa circularidade com o grande público consumidor ou, até, consumista dos bens de salvação."¹¹ (126)

focuses on the appeal to emotions; "free" interpretation of scripture and the use of the media by pentecostals ¹²(126-127)

links Pentecostal churches with urban areas where consumism prevails¹³ (127)

1JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 121.

2JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 121.

3JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 121.

4JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 122.

5JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 122.

6JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 123.

7JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 124.

8JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 125.

9JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 125–126.

10JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 126.

11JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 126.

12JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 126–127.

13JD Passos, “TEOGONIAS URBANAS : os pentecostais na passagem do rural ao urbano ,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 14:4(2000), 120-128, 127.

Alvarez

"Latin American Pentecostals are large, self-supporting, self-governed and self-multiplying churches." ¹(140)

"twenty-first century Pentecostals face problems of leadership, education, division and social alienation." ²(140)

refers to the significance of background knowledge acquired through Roman Catholicism³ (141)

refers to the acceptance of the supernatural ⁴(141)

For Pentecostals "the Catholic Church also represents, in their mind, an agent of alienation, oppression and compromise with the demonic powers of the world." ⁵(142)

refers to the importance of lay participation in the structures of the church ⁶(143)

"the problem of numerical growth without proper biblical teaching and discipleship. In some ares, they also tend to center too much power in authoritarian leaders." ⁷(145) danger of an "artificial spirituality"⁸ (145)

perceives the dangers of a growing secularism and materialism ⁹(146) danger of North American imports ¹⁰(146)

fears the danger of a new and triumphalist Pentecostal subculture ¹¹(146)

Escobar's reasons for growth in Latin America:

(1) Spiritual facts (2) Anthropological reasons--hunger for God (3) Sociological elements, providing identity, shelter, security and community (4) Pastoral methodology: lay participation

(5) Psychologican and cultural factors --freedom of worship, use of folk music ¹²(148)

refers to an estimate of 3000 Pentecostal Missionaries sent from Latin America ¹³(149)

links prosperity theology with the process of secularization ¹⁴(152-153)

1M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 140.

2M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 140.

3M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 141.

4M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 141.

5M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 142.

6M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 143.

7M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 145.

8M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 145.

9M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 146.

10M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 146.

11M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 146.

12M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 148.

13M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 149.

14M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 152–153.

troch

claims that women are attracted to Pentecostal churches to seek remedy for some of the causes of their poverty¹ (65)

Pentecostal churches

(1) provide a clear solution to the problems of alcoholism

(2) offers an utilitarian approach to religion

(3) contextualises in the context of clientism "It is the Holy Spirit that offers protection in exchange for service and loyalty"² (65)

(4) gives power and dignity through church service 5) emphasises personal transformation

³(65-66

1 L Troch, 'Ecclesiogenesis: the Patchwork of New Religious Communities in Brazil' Exchange 33:1 (2004), 54–72, 65.

2 L Troch, 'Ecclesiogenesis: the Patchwork of New Religious Communities in Brazil' Exchange 33:1 (2004), 54–72, 65.

3 L Troch, 'Ecclesiogenesis: the Patchwork of New Religious Communities in Brazil' Exchange 33:1 (2004), 54–72, 65–66.

Martin

"In Brazil, the Church opened up a discreet dialogue with the military regime to ameliorate the most severe outbreaks of conflict over human rights (Serbin; Bruneau and Hewitt). With the return of democracy and the achievement of some stability under Cardoso, Lula and what is now (2005) the governing Workers Party adopted more conciliatory approaches to both Catholicism and Pentecostalism. The traditional divides became less significant and the Evangelical Presidential candidate, with 18% of the vote in 2002, actually threw his weight behind the election of Lula. The overarching role of the Catholic Church remained, in spite of the massive rise in Evangelicalism and Pentecostalism and the increasingly independent influence of Spiritism. " ¹(150)

"Liberation theology and the base communities both raised popular consciousness and made a serious contribution along with important sectors of the episcopate, to human rights and resistance to dictatorship. They also pre-empted the Marxist threat until it receded .... In a similar way, charismatic Catholicism, for example in Brazil, or New Evangelisation and the neo-catechumenate, may to some extent have pre-empted Pentecostalism (Clarke). Competition is good for monopolies, because it motivates them to find out need and meet it."² (151)

"The fundamentalist label is misleading, partly because Pentecostalism focuses as much on spiritual gifts as on the text, but also because fundamentalism in the developing world arises with the formation of the nation state...The fissiparous pluralism of Pentecostalism has little in common with this, even in places like Brazil and Ghana where Pentecostals harbour serious political ambitions"³ (155)

1D Martin ' Secularisation and the Future of Christianity', Journal of Contemporary Religion, 20:2 145–160, 150.

2D Martin ' Secularisation and the Future of Christianity', Journal of Contemporary Religion, 20:2 145–160, 151.

3D Martin ' Secularisation and the Future of Christianity', Journal of Contemporary Religion, 20:2 145–160, 155.

Macchia

"the Pentecostal movement has managed, in just less than a century, to contribute to nearly as many different divisions as it took the rest of the church a millennium to produce."¹ (340-341)

o

"Pentecostals who choose not to build relationships with other people who claim to be Christian run the risk of being charged with intolerance, with proselytism, or of inciting the rhetoric of 'Holy War'... As the world becomes smaller, members of other religions are looking to ecumenical groups for help in putting a stop to evangelism...among their members. The lack of Pentecostal input into these discussions makes this a very dangerous state of affairs."² (352-353)

JM Davis in 1943 studied "the leadership styles, message, training methods, and lower class audience of Brazilian Pentecostals" concluded that Pentecostals were suited to evangelising the people of Brazil ³(42)

"As David Martin noted of Latin American Pentecostalism, divine healing along with ecstatic speech, testimonies, and music served to create a distinctive atmosphere of lay participation in worship, in which the voiceless gained an important voicE"⁴ (19)

argues that Global Market Culture is idolatrous and pernicious. Fears that in moving from their ascetic origins to the hedonism of prosperity theology some Pentecostals may be capitulating to this new idol ⁵(386-395)

o

"In a church in Brazil I once heard a woman give a testimony in which she thanked God that although she once did not have a colour TV, now she had onE Rather than helping her to question the consumer way of life, which is the main rival of Christian faith today, her church seemed to strengthen and undergird those values."⁶ (392)

1990 marked the appearance of "the first comprehensive works on Latin American Protestantism and politics"⁷ (133)

o

"Foreign missionaries helped to spark, not create, a new religious tradition in Latin America. The impulse for new churches, membership, and the vast majority of leaders came from Latin America."⁸ (134)

1CM Robeck, Jr.,' Pentecostals and Ecumenism in a Pluralistic World', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 338–362, 340–341.

2CM Robeck, Jr.,' Pentecostals and Ecumenism in a Pluralistic World', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 338–362, 352–353.

3LG McClung, Jr., ''Try to Get People Saved' Revisting the Paradigm of an Urgent Pentecostal Missiology', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 30–51, 42.

4F Macchia, 'The Struggle for Global Witness: Shifting Paradigms in Pentecostal Theology' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999), 8–26, 19.

5H Cox, ' 'Pentecostalism and Global Market Culture': A Response to Issues Facing Pentecostalism in a Postmodern World' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 386–395.

6H Cox, ' 'Pentecostalism and Global Market Culture': A Response to Issues Facing Pentecostalism in a Postmodern World' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 386–395, 392.

7E Cleary, 'Latin American Pentecostalism' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 131–150, 133.

8E Cleary, 'Latin American Pentecostalism' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 131–150, 134.

Macchia...

" A spirit of tolerance for other religions in Brazil, Guatemala, and Chile, may have aided in this reception and growtH"1 (134)
o
"Pentecostalism...expresses something of the soul of Latin America"2 (134)
"many Latin Americans have a Christian soul, one of the expressions of which is Pentecostalism."3 (134-135)
Pentecostal churches almost immediately embraced local leadership4 (135)
Pentecostalism linked with Catholic resurgence5 (135)

"In three countries [Guatemala, Chile, Brazil] where Pentecostal growth is most prominent, Catholic seminary students increased dramatically...Also in Brazil, sales of Bibles have explodeD In the last four years 4.5 million complete Bibles were sold, 36 per cent by Catholic publishers."6 (135)
claims that in many deprivation studies "Often overlooked were key Pentecostals active in society as shopkeepers, small entrepreneurs and school teachers. Many key persons became upper-lower and lower-middle classes, a creative strata whose aspirations helped to give leadership."7 (136)
both poor Pentecostals ascended socially and the recruitment of converts from the middle class 8(136)
"A major element in the advancement to middle social status has been education. Pentecostals stay in school longer."9 (136)
"Holiness, humility, and a strict moral code stand out as characteristics of Pentecostalism throughout countries studied in Latin America." 10(137)
"Part of the perfectionist ideal is sacrificial giving....The fundamental source of financial support for Pentecostal churches in Latin America is the generosity of individual members." 11(137)
Women: although Pentecostals reinforce traditional male dominance "the combination of emphasis on religious equality, new roles open to women in the life of the church" undermine machismo whilst within the church women see themselves as individuals responsible for their own lives before God and become "active, responsible agents in their own and family lives."12 (138)
o
On the job training of Pentecostal pastors.13 (138-139)
Social ascension causes problems of lack of pastors with formal academic training 14(139)
decline of effect of street preaching, especially amongst the middle class15 (139-140)
questions whether Neo-Pentecostals who emphasise health and wealth are to be considered part of Pentecostalism 16(142)

Freston

pentecostalism replacing CEBs as the academically fashionable subject¹

1951 FSQ Church last foreign one to really take root in Brazil.²

despite the greater concentration of Pentecostal churches in poorer regions many gaps in macrosociology of Pentecostal churches. “The appeal of Pentecostalism is not univocal, and marginal differences in liturgy can meet subtly different social demands.”³

danger of scholars as treating as new, aspects which have previously appeared in Pentecostalism, thus postulating too strong a break.⁴

Reasons for fragmentation in Pentecostalism: 1) Influence from Protestant denominations 2) Brazilian tradition of lay Catholic brotherhoods and ABR religions 3) creation of socially homogeneous units 4) difficulty for churches to “update” encourages creation of new movements.⁵

Three waves of Pentecostalism1) Aog and Cong. Crist 2) 1950s -->new churches using new resources, LA based FSQ church, overtaken by the nationalistic Brazil para Cristo invasion into secular spaces such as cinema, stadiums, radios and even TV 3) third wave reaction to modernization crisis under military.⁶

“Although older groups can and do evolve over time, newer ones are freer to innovate...delving into the countries religious tradition...can be regarded positively as “contextualisation” or negatively as “syncretism”⁷

success of IURD linked to capacity to build a bridge between traditional/religious elements and modern/secular elements of Brazilian culture.⁸

Attempts to nuance the Pentecostal world and Freston's critique: 1) Bittencourt—distinction between Classical churches (American Missionary Origin) and Autonomous Churches. Critiqued as two main “classical churches” AoG (with a Swedish origin) and Cong. Crista (national church founded by Italian immigrants) do not fit the model. ⁹ 2) Mendonca, distinguishes between classical and divine healing, whereby the latter do not have a fixed community and operate a clientele system. Yet Deus e Amor placed in latter group though they have a very strict structure of church discipline. “The “clientele” model has limited utility. Only a small religious enterprise can be economically viable as long as it depends on a fluctuating clientele.”¹⁰

“For Brazil we need to make a clear distinction between the newer lower-class pentecostal churches, such as the Universal Church, and the middle-class charismatic churches such as Renascer em Cristo and the Comunidades Evangelicas....Charismaticism marked the arrival of Pentecostal phenomena in ample sectors of the middle-class....extreme social inequality, often creating a yawning cultural gap between Pentecostals and charismatics.”¹¹

Charismatic dissidents from historical churches less successful than expected-->flow from original denominations dried up as they accommodated Charismatic practices. Expansion into middle classes mainly from Charismatic “communities.”¹²

AP Oro's attempt to define Neo-Pentecostalism/ Freston's nuancing 1) autonomy from foreign control/ all churches of foreign origin now autonomous 2) leaders with personal charisma/ also present in Brazil para Cristo 3) isolation from the rest of the Christian world/ not significantly different in older Pentecostalism 4) demonization of ABRs/ also characterises older Pentecostal and even some historic churches 5) Giving, Prosperity Theology/ Also gaining ground in AoG 6) Use of mass media/ used by older pentecostal churches 7) Political involvement/Actually pioneered by Brazil para Cristo and later taken up by AoG.¹³

Prefers to see neo-pentecostalism as a vanguard, a new wave in Pentecostalism.¹⁴

Sees historical churches and Pentecostal churches as “ideal types at the two extremes of a continuum on which most real cases are a highly variable and creative mix...all denominations and individuals are in fact in constant movement along the continuum. ...towards a Pentecostalisation of historical Protestantism and a histrocisation of Pentecostalism.”¹⁵

Points out that para-church organisations, pan-Protestant representative entities and television programmes have blurred watertight denominational boundaries. As evangelicos become more socially visible, it is harder for denominations to remain in isolation.¹⁶

Focuses on the formation of a Lausanne-inspired AEVB, under Caio Fabio, in the wake of the scandals surrounding a revived CEB in the Constituinte. Unable to acquire hegemony of the AEVB Macedo/IURD form parallel institution with dissident AoG (Madureira). Power struggle for evangelical hegemony comes to a head with Globo attack on Macedo, when Caio Fabio takes side of Globo and denies evangelical status to IURD.¹⁷

1P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 145.

2P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 146.

3P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 146.

4P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 146.

5P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 147.

6P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 147–148.

7P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 148.

8P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 148.

9P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 149.

10P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 149.

11P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 150–151.

12P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 151.

13P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 152.

14P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 152.

15P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 152,

16P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 152.

17P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 153–160.

Corten

"Os movimentos religiosos do tipo pentecostal são um fenômeno dos mais importantes dos últimos vinte anos, tanto na América Latina quanto na África subsaariana (Cox, 1995). Circulam, através das fronteiras, fórmulas e rituais: aleluia, milagre, libertação dos demônios, bênção. Eles circulam através de redes e de mídias transnacionais, mas circulam também por meio de uma multiplicidade de pontos que atravessam frequentemente as fronteiras de uma maneira menos global, mas não menos concreta (Corten; Marshall-Fratani, 2000). Estas fórmulas e estes rituais compõem as chaves da tradução dos imaginários políticos uns nos outros."¹ (152)

" Os movimentos religiosos do tipo pentecostal possuem uma linguagem de louvor, de entusiasmo e de descontração contrária à linguagem de sacrifício, de obrigação e de seriedade frequentes na concepção tradicional do cristianismo. A reza é um lazer e não uma tarefa. A adoração é um prazer antes de ser um dever. Nesta linguagem, podemos observar uma sintaxe diferente da sintaxe do trabalho e do “fazer” do “espírito capitalista”. ²(152)

"Esta linguagem do louvor evolui com a evolução do pentecostalismo. Com a cura divina, o exorcismo e a prosperidade, a linguagem pentecostal continua a expandir o seu trabalho de tradução dos imaginários políticos. A cura divina é comandada por um discurso de abertura (à Jesus) e de louvor." ³(153)

"Com efeito, ao invés de insistir no papel do “fazer” que é a tarefa de espantar os demônios, no discurso pentecostal, somos “libertados”. Estávamos possuídos, nos libertamos. Não há nesta operação transformação de si mesmo; redescobrimos o nosso próprio ser que estava possuído por forças estranhas. Mais globalmente, a guerra espiritual consiste em retomar o que Jesus libertou com a sua morte." ⁴(153)

o

"Encontramos nesses movimentos ingredientes vindos da “bruxaria”, da devoção católica popular, do discurso moderno sobre a medicina, do gnosticismo modernizado do tipo auto-ajuda, das técnicas de comunicação “de massa”, de organizações burocráticas centralizadas, do marketing político," ⁵(155)

1A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149–160, 152.

2A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149–160, 152.

3A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149–160, 153.

4A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149–160, 153.

5A. Corten, 'O Pentecostalismo Transnacionalizado no Contexto Teológico-Político', Horizontes Antropológicos Volume 7 Issue 15 (July 2001), 149–160, 155.

Matviuk

Latin American Pentecostalism consisting mainly of females and young people who on the whole are poor and collectivistically oriented ¹(207)

o

"The early Pentecostals of the twentieth century considered themselves as God's end-time people, who by his grace, were 1) saved, 2) sanctified and 3) baptized in the Holy Spirit." ²(208)

Follows Harvey Cox in pointing out 5 main practices 1) experiential spirituality

2) celebrative worship 3) practicality 4) social criticism 5) inclusive community Bernardo Campos re: Latin American Pentecostalism 1) spirituality

2) social protest 3) social change³ (208)

o

"From a communication stand point, it is having people as central that partially accounts for the success of the Pentecostal message."⁴ (209)

o

Pentecostalism as a popular movement communicates itself in a multicultural and popular way⁵ (209)

Pentecostalism as folk religion⁶ (210)

o

Pentecostalism built upon pre-colonial and Catholic concepts of faith being rooted in life and experience. "Therefore Latin American Pentecostalism re-injected sacredness and transcendence of the religious experience...not related to the official religion."⁷ (211)

o

from the culture Latin American Pentecostalism also take the importance of event. Celebrative worship and communal living. Critique from Protestants of syncretism due to the acceptance of cultural practices earlier protestants had rejected ⁸(211-213)

o

Pentecostal ritual field "is comprised ritual space, time, objects, sounds and language, identities or roles, and actions, behaviours and gestures which interact and overlap with each other...a drama "aimed toward an encounter" ...iconic dynamic...an interplay of ritual sounds, ritual sights, and kinesthetic. Fellow believers function as sacred icons....a feeling of solidarity arises among the participants creating a special ground for community, influencing the ways in which God is experienced." ⁹(214)

"personal narratives, create an ethos in communion with the Spirit in which the speaker and the audience become one, reinforcing communal participation and testimony as a peculiarity of Pentecostal liturgy."¹⁰ (217)

influence of Black spirituality¹¹ (218)

openness for the participation of women¹² (218)

1M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 207.

2M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

3M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

4M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

5M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 209.

6M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 210.

7M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 211.

8M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 21–213.

9M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 214.

10M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 217.

11M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 218.

12M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 218.

Kliewer

refers to research showing that:

"The research shows that the sector that belongs to the Pentecostal churches has the following characteristics:

- a 15 percent higher proportion of coloured members;

- a similar increase in the proportion of people who gained literacy as adults and of persons

who have attended only elementary schools;

- a small number of people who attended middle schools;

- the proportion of people with university degrees is a third of that in the population as a

whole;

- the proportion of domestic servants is about a percent higher;

- there are few employers or business people;

- their average income is significantly less than that of the population as a whole."¹ (318)

"The social characteristics show that the majority of Pentecostals belong to the poorer sectors of the Brazilian people, living at the outskirts of the cities." ²(

1GU Kliewer 'Effervescent Diversity', The Ecumenical Review 57:3 (2005), 314–321, 318.

2GU Kliewer 'Effervescent Diversity', The Ecumenical Review 57:3 (2005), 314–321, 319.

Bergunder 2

(1) Lalive d'Epinay in times of insecurity when old structures are breaking down the Pentecostal congregation provides a substitute for the feudal system with the pastor acting as a patron. "Pentecostal movement as a totalitarian fellowship which tends to cut itself off from society and construct its own opposing world...complete social passivity....¹(164)

(2) Willems: Pentecostalism rejection of ancient feudalist society, emphasising equality of believers and unmediated spirituality. Losers in society becomes heroes of faith. Puritan ethic. "fertile soil for the growth of a middle class."² (165)

(3) D. Martin: seen to be in the tradition of Willems. "interprets the growth of the Latin American Pentecostal movement as part of a global process of transformation." (165) Martin sees parallels with Methodism ³(165) Pentecostalism seen to create a "protective social capsule" within which people can discover their potential and abilities and move on in life ⁴(165-166) Sees Latin American Pentecostal growth as the protestantization of the region.⁵ (166)

(4) Kamsteeg: Pentecostal congregation combines hierarchichal elements, in that the authority is concentrated in the pastor, and egalitarian tendencies in that the same pastor is financially dependent on the congregation ⁶(167)

(5) Mariz : intermediate position between fatalism and a belief in the complete autonomy of the person ⁷(167) quoting Mariz "Pentecostalism thus helps the individual discover his autonomy by compating the oppression of society with another social model, and by combating spiritual oppression with a stronger and ethical supernatural power."⁸

1 M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 164.

2M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 165.

3M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 165.

4M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 165.

5M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 166.

6M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 167.

7M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 167.

8M Bergunder, ' The Pentecostal Movement and Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America: Sociological Theories and Theological Debates', International Review of Mission 91:361 (2002), 163‫–186, 167.

Bastide ctd

points to the significance of blacks in offering testimonies in Pentecostal churches---> claims that Baptism in the Holy SPirit and Water Baptism coincide for blacks and links this with the descent of the orixas¹ (371)

re: Pentecostalism "At the moment when he seems closest to Africa...he is actually farthest from it, more Westernized than ever before."²

1R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 371.

2R Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (London: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 372.

Abumanssur

Does not treat Pentecostals as Protestant¹

1ES Abumanssur, 'Crisis as Opportunity: Church Structure in Times of Global Transformations Religion within a context of globalisation: the case of Brazil', Revista de Estudos da Religião 3 (2002), 76–85, 77–78.