Showing posts with label MGTUK: Work. Show all posts
Showing posts with label MGTUK: Work. Show all posts

Tuesday, 25 November 2008

migration watch

“he years 1991 – 2006 there was a net movement of some 2.3 million people to the UK - only 8% of which came from the new East European members of the EU”1
(SEE PRINTED GRAPH)
Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf
claims that immigration is now 15 times the scale of asylum and that 76% of the population favour caps on immigration.2 states that this is an “unprecedented scale” and that the net migration for 2005 was “292,000”.3
claims that 50,000 illegal immigrants are detected every year but no one knows how many will come in.4 claims to England being twice as crowded as Germany and four times as crowded as Paris.5 points to a 33% increase in the demand for visas, reaching 2.5 million a year.6
Against claims that immigrants bring economic growth affirms (1) that the benefit they bring is basically proportional to the increase in population they provoke. (2) They will not solve the pensions problem, as they themselves will become old (3) drive wages down and encourage British citizens to remain on benefits.7
Problems: (1) resentment amongst native population, shared by majority in ethnic minorities (2) fear that Britain is losing its distinct culture (3) formation of parallel communities with little loyalty to Britain, often at odds with one another, influenced by overseas satellite television (4) Pressure on housing and services (5) changing in the configuration of cities, especially London, claims that in the last decade 600,000 Londoners have left to be replaced by 700,000 immigrants (6) problem of immigration.8
Defends (1) limit on immigration so that those coming in balance those leaving (2) “explicit nation building” to integrate minorities. 9
Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008]
claims that until the 1950s there had been no major immigration into the UK, except from Ireland.10
1996 settlement figure 61,000 2005 figure 179,000.11
claims that the work permit system has become a major avenue for immigration.12
on illegal immigration 2001 Government estimate of between 310,000-570,000 centred on 430,000 with MWUK updating this to 515,000-870,000 centred on 670,000 estimating for asylum seekers whose claims have been rejected.13
“Net migration reached a record high of 222,000 in 2004 before falling slightly to 185,000 in 2005. During the 60’s and 70’s emigration generally exceeded immigration and in the 80’s and early 90’s net immigration was generally below 50,000 people a year. Such very high migration into Britain is therefore a new phenomenon. Net non-EU migration to the UK has been rapidly increasing from 44,000 in 1992. In 2004 it reached a new record high level of 268,000. In 2005 it fell to 203,000 reflecting the fact that ten new countries had acceded to the EU in May 2004. There has been a steady net outflow of British citizens during this period - reaching a record high of 120,000 in 2004 before falling slightly to 107,000 in 2005. Net flows of EU citizens into the UK have been modest until recently. The maximum net inflow of citizens of the 15 continental European countries which were EU members before May 2004, in the period 1995 –2004, was 24,000 in 1998 and the maximum net outflow was 35,000 in 2002. This changed with the accession of the 10 countries to the EU in May 2004. The international migration statistics show that a net 49,000 and 65,000 people migrated from the accession countries in 2004 and 2005 respectively bringing total net migration from the EU up to 74,000 and 89,000 in these years. However, net migration from the accession countries only accounts for about 1 in 5 of net foreign immigration in total.”14
claims that the argument that immigrants do the jobs Brits do not want results in the creation of an underclass.15
denies, compared to other countries in Europe, that Britain has a demographic problem.16
“Over half of migrants live in London and the South East and more than 75% of new
migrants are settling there.”17
29% of the population of London consists of ethnic minorities.18
Migrationwatch UK, Balanced Migration, (Deddington: Migrationwatch UK, 2008)
Deny that the influx of immigrants is due to globalization but attribute it to government policies.19

1Migrationwatch UK, “2.3 million immigrants come to UK in 16 years” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pressreleases/pressreleases.asp?dt=02-June-2008 [Accessed 3 October 2008]
2Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf, 1.
3Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf, 1.
4Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf, 1.
5Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf, 1.
6Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf, 2.
7Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf, 2.
8Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf, 2.
9Migrationwatch UK, “Outline of the Problem”MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/0utline_of_the_Problem_010107.pdf, 3.
10Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 1.
11Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 1.
12Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 1.
13Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 3.
14Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 3.
15Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 4.
16Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 4.
17Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 4.
18Migrationwatch UK, “An Overview of UK Migration” MWUK Homepage available online at http://migrationwatchuk.com/pdfs/Overview.pdf [Accessed 3 October 2008] 5.

Tuesday, 4 November 2008

Willis

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“migrant workers are caught in the crossfire of contemporary capitalism”1
“On the one hand, advanced capitalist economies can’t live without devouring the rich resources of
cheap labour located in, and coming from, the poorer parts of the world. On the other, (so called) advanced capitalist polities find it hard to deal with the consequences of living with strangers.”2
“immigrant workers are essential for prosperity by providing knowledge, skills, an anti-inflationary
labour supply and new job creation, but such people also have needs, they acquire rights and they can upset the sense of entitlement and belonging of those who already reside. As a result, immigration – and low waged non-European immigration in particular – can all too easily become a moral panic”3
claims that current government policy is to exclude the Non-European, non-white, (often undocumented) immigrants, and replace them with white Eastern Europeans.4
“In brief, these measures are designed to institute a hierarchy of immigrant labour, easing access for the highly skilled while closing national borders to those classed as ‘unskilled’ from outside the EU. In addition, the armoury of the state is now focused on increasing control and surveillance over those who are already in the country, and there are new measures to limit access to humanitarian assistance and prevent those without papers from accessing welfare and work.”5
claim that in London employers can exercise considerable choice over whom they seek to employ.6
point to a “hiring queue” in which decisions are made according to national and racial stereotypes.7
“Emboldened by new biometric technologies, Governments are engaging in an international ‘war for talent’ at the same time as implementing an increasingly draconian ‘war on the poor.’ States are seeking to develop semi-permeable borders that will draw in the talented and wealthy and exclude most of the poor”8
claim that the UK is becoming more “illiberal” as regards both humanitarian aid and immigration.9
table with outline of points system.10
argue that “the non-white migrants who have kept London working for the past 20 years are likely to be displaced by those from much closer to home”11
over representation of migrants from wealthier countries in the top end of the employment market, over representation of those from poorer countries in the bottom end.12
migrant workers willingness to work for low wages (i) “dual frame of reference” can earn more than they would at home (ii) are not able to fall back on the benefit system.13
claim from a respondent from the Brazilian community that they were tolerated whilst performing a useful service, but now that an alternative, E. European, supply is available, and the government wishes to seem tough on immigration, they are suffering.14
1J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 1.
2J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 1.
3J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 2.
4J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 2.
5J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 3.
6 Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 10–11.
7J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 11.
8J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 12.
9J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 12.
10J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 14.
11J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 15.
12J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 16.
13J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 29.
14J Wills, J May,K Datta, Y Evans, J Herbert & C McIlwaine, London’s changing migrant division of labour, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf, 31–32.

Willis

High turnover of workforce, 4-5 a month.1 30-40% in a year.2
lack of younger reliable British born staff, often do not stay long.3
points to a Brazilian acquiring Portuguese citizenship before coming to live in the UK.4
refers to a manager describing how South Americans have replaced Jamaicans in cleaning.5
claims that research has highlighted the extent to which the cleaning industry is dependent on foreign labour.6
1J Wills, A global workforce in a global city: The skills, experiences and aspirations of a group of contract cleaners in London, UK, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2007) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/livingwage/pdf/researchreport.pdf , 3.
2J Wills, A global workforce in a global city: The skills, experiences and aspirations of a group of contract cleaners in London, UK, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2007) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/livingwage/pdf/researchreport.pdf , 4.
3J Wills, A global workforce in a global city: The skills, experiences and aspirations of a group of contract cleaners in London, UK, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2007) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/livingwage/pdf/researchreport.pdf , 4.
4J Wills, A global workforce in a global city: The skills, experiences and aspirations of a group of contract cleaners in London, UK, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2007) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/livingwage/pdf/researchreport.pdf , 7.
5J Wills, A global workforce in a global city: The skills, experiences and aspirations of a group of contract cleaners in London, UK, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2007) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/livingwage/pdf/researchreport.pdf , 9.
6J Wills, A global workforce in a global city: The skills, experiences and aspirations of a group of contract cleaners in London, UK, (London: Queen Mary, University of London, 2007) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/livingwage/pdf/researchreport.pdf , 26.

May

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Claims that since the 1990s a “migrant division of labour” has emerged in the UK.1
“Far from acting to protect workers from the worst excesses of low-paid work, we show how policies of labour market de-regulation, welfare ‘reform’ and of ‘managed migration’ have helped create a new ‘reserve army of labour’ in London consisting mainly of low-paid migrant workers”2
Sassen: Global city hypothesis: certain cities become key sites in the global economy, in this cities there is income and occupational polarisation with a growth of jobs at the top and the bottom and a decrease in the middle. Increase in migration to fill the gaps at the bottom so that “a significant proportion of low-wage jobs in the global city are filled by foreign-born migrant workers; with the worst jobs falling to the most recent arrivals or those whose immigration status renders them ineligible for state welfare and who, especially if working illegally, have little choice but to accept the poorest quality jobs”3
Hamnett: whilst accepting that Stassen's theory applied in a city like New York, where there was a large supply of cheap migrant labour and lack of welfare provision, claimed this did not apply in London, where such migrant labour was not in such large demand and where there was a wider welfare system in place.4
Contra Hamnett authors argue that such polarisation is now emerging in London, but contra Stassen also argue that this cannot be attributed solely to economic changes but also to the policies of the British state.5
“how cleaners, domestics and retail workers have all recently taken their place amongst management consultants, computer engineers, and lawyers as Britain’s fastest growing occupations. More importantly, when Goos and Manning’s analysis is repeated for London rather than for the UK as a whole, very similar trends emerge: with a very large increase in the number of top paying jobs alongside a smaller but still significant rise in the number of very low paying jobs, and a ‘falling out’ of the middle”6
37% of children living in poverty in London in households where at least one person works.7
1990s dramatic increase in migration of workers from poorer countries, coming to occupy low skilled jobs.8
critiques Conservative and New Labour economic and employment policy see 1) a restriction of benefits, seeking to force people into low-skilled jobs, but which has had little impact on unemployment levels 2) the stimulation of demand for low-skilled jobs, resulting in a skill shortage, which has increased the demand for foreign migrant labour.9
“an expanding army of actively recruited migrant labour … [alongside] an underground population of both rejected asylum seekers and undocumented migrants existing with minimal rights in the interstices of the … economy”10

last fifteen years a greater diversity in the countries from which migrants come to the UK.11
Significance of Latin Americans working in office cleaning.12
Women tend to concentrate in “semi-private” spaces such as hotels and clients homes, and men in “semi-public” spaces such as the Underground, or office cleaning.13
average wage of £ 10,200 a year.14
only 16% receive state benefits.15
“On the demand side, labour market de-regulation has provided the conditions in which the demand for low-paid employment has grown. On the supply side, a restructuring of state welfare has provided an impetus for workers to move off benefits and in to (low-paid) employment, whilst changes to state immigration policies have facilitated an increased flow of foreign-born migrants in to those jobs that still remain unattractive to native workers.”16
“Most obviously, given the recent direction of British immigration policy - in which migrant workers are treated less as potential citizens than units of labour, the supply of which can (in theory at least) be turned on and off as the needs of the British economy dictate - it is difficult to escape the conclusion that what we are witnessing is the most explicit attempt yet by the British state to create a new ‘reserve army of labour”17
Flynn: under managed migration migrant needs first to be useful to businesses, and then to himself and his family.18
See managed migration as a New Labour attempt to conciliate contradictory pressures, from business and the wider public.19 hence a way for the state to safeguard its own legitimacy.20
1J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 2–3.
2J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 3.
3J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 3–4, quote from page 4.
4J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 4–5.
5J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 5–6.
6J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 7.
7J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 9.
8J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 9–10.
9J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 11–14.
10Morris quoted in J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 14.
11J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 17.
12J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 18.
13J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 18.
14J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 20.
15J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 21,
16J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 25.
17J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 25.
18J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 26.
19J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 26.
20J May, J Willis, K Datta,, Y Evans, J Herbert & C Mcllwaine The British State and London's Migrant Division of Labour, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_2.pdf , 27.

Datta care

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“a ‘care deficit’ has emerged as women struggle to combine their paid labour with their gender ascribed roles of being primary carers of the young, the elderly and the sick”1 linked with the increasing role of women's earnings for family subsistence.2
migrant women forced to leave their dependants to be cared for by others.3
refer to “work-care-life” balance. Pursuit of middle class often using low paid migrant work to achieve this, with effects on how migrants can achieve the same balance.4
points to the way in which migrants often find it impossible to both support and be with their families at the same time.5
women forced to take upon low paid jobs as migrants to support their children, at the same time suffering the distress of this distance and the stigma in their home country of having abandoned their children.6
refer to the potential for a “care drain”.7
low social
value attached to many care jobs as something done by migrant women.8 at the same time migrant women often negatively judge Northern women for the way they delegate care to pursue a career.9
“Arguably, migrants are often placed in a difficult position as they may lack the resources to purchase good quality childcare, have little recourse to the public provision of care,3 while their mobility has also separated them from extended family who may have been able to provide care for them at home”10
Migrants, little sympathy for a perceived lack of compassion/hospitality in British culture, belief that their culture has a superior ethic of care.11 critique of a marketised system of care.12
migrant ethic of care,: search to provide nurture and caring spaces in conflict with the marketised approach of agencies which focuses on carrying out “reproductive labour” (e.g. Cleaning, ironing cooking). Disappointment when their human needs not recognised by recipients.13
Difficulty many migrants have in juggling between two or more jobs. Refers to one Brazilian, Paulo who claims to have only slept in between jobs on public transport for 3 months.14
issues surrounding both “transnational motherhood” and “transnational fatherhood” the latter often through divorce.15
rotation of shifts by migrant parents.16 strategy of bringing in parents to look after children often constrained by immigration policy.17
lack of extended family particularly a strain on lone parents, some even forced to leave dependent children alone whilst they work.18
“leisure time” often fully occupied by domestic tasks.19
importance of friendship networks, those these often small due to lack of time. Tend to concentrate on own ethnic groups, lack of contact with British and often distrust for other groups.20
importance attached to faith groups (43% of migrants) also functioning along ethnic (and even regional) lines.21
“life” often treated as something carrying on elsewhere whilst migrants were working in London.22
Brazilian migrant quoted as saying that for every bricked laid down as a construction worker in the UK, two bricks were being laid in Brazil.23
1K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 3.
2K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 3.
3K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 3,
4K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 4.
5K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 7.
6K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 8.
7K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 9.
8K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 9.
9K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 9.
10K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 11.
11K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 13.
12K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 14.
13K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 15–18.
14K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 21.
15K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 22.
16K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 23.
17K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 23.
18K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 24–25.
19K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 25.
20K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 26.
21K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 26–27.
22K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 27
23“Nivaldo” quoted in K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work, Care and Life Among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London: Towards a Migrant Ethic of Care, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/workingpaper6.pdf, 28.

Datta Work

Claims London is increasingly characterised by inequality in the labour market, especially with the expansion of lowly paid jobs occupied by migrants.1 suggest that these migrants keep London going by their presence in the “public reproductive and services sector”2
“The most recent, and perhaps most contested in terms of definition, has been a focus on
transnationalism and transmigration. This approach stresses the interconnections and networks
developed among migrant groups between source and destinations areas and how social, cultural
and economic fields often become transnational in nature”3


Britain “neo-liberal” policies: 1) decline in manufacturing 2) expansion of service industry, both in the banking, finance and creative industries, and in the low paid jobs 3) less secure employment for low paid jobs through subcontracting, agency staffing and temporary employment 4) decline in trade union power 5) creation of a “migrant division of labour”4 London: 1 in 7 workers under £5.8 an hour threshold; 1 in 5 under £6.7 an hour threshold.5
“Many of those in the lower echelons of the labour market are migrants. Indeed, London receives
around one-third of all migrants to the UK and it is estimated that between 1975 and 2000, some
450,000 migrants migrated to London (Hamnett, 2003). Furthermore, many of these migrants were
recent arrivals. Drawing on the latest Labour Survey Force (2002/2003) and the 2001 UK Census,
Spence (2005) notes that out of the 2 million Londoners born outside of the UK, 23% arrived in
this country before 1970, and 45% arrived after 1990. The ethnic profile of migrants is also diverse
with Whites constituting the largest group (40%), followed by Asians (27%) and Blacks (20%).
Also significant is that the majority of London’s migrants come from the Global South (70%), with
India, Bangladesh, Jamaica, Nigeria, Pakistan and Kenya providing the largest groups. Migrants
now account for 35% of the working age population and 29% of the total population in the capital
(ibid). Furthermore, these figures do not account for informal workers, including undocumented
migrants, so that the true size of the economically active migrant workforce is likely to be higher
than that reported officially”6


“London migrants have much lower employment rates (65%) than Londoners born in the UK (78%),
although migrants from developing countries show lower employment rates (61%) than those from
developed economies (75%); the latter are more likely to work in professional and managerial
occupations, while the former are concentrated in services and especially the hotel and restaurant
sectors. Moreover, migrants constitute 46% of all workers in typically low-paid ‘elementary’
occupations, such as labourers, postal workers, porters, catering staff and cleaners. People from
Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Eastern Europe and South Asia often find it especially hard to
secure well-paid work, even if arriving in the UK with good skills and high level qualifications”7
Migrant acceptance of jobs which do not match their educational qualifications, with nearly half of those sampled having “tertiary level qualifications.”8 often involves a sense of loss of dignity.9
income maximisation achieved through working long hours, including overtime at normal rates of pay, with implications on leisure and family time. Students often forced to exceed the 20 hours limitations on their work.10 extra jobs taken on, especially in catering and cleaning.11 continuous changing between jobs.12 very low up take of state benefits, even in cases where migrants were eligible.13
multi-earner households, and restriction on consumption patterns.14
household sharing and reduction in utility bills.15
use of networks to share information about work, tendency of managers/supervisors to employ workers from a similar background.16 use of networks to share information about housing and cheap consumption patterns.17
ethnic identity and ethnic networks acting as a barrier to encourage a “migrant” identity/solidarity.18
hostility between different ethnic groups, increased with A8 accession.19
“The existence of such exclusion on ethnic based grounds and the existence of fractured or
‘perverse’ social capital potentially undermines the creation of community-based coping strategies
on class-based grounds.”20
“However, despite these divisions, from an organisational point of view, it appears that faith-based
organisations are potentially the most appropriate fora through which trade unions and migrant
groups can organise to address and overcome the exploitative conditions of work in global cities
like London”21
1K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 1.
2K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 1.
3K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 2.
4K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 3–4.
5K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 6.
6K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 7.
7K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 7.
8K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 10.
9K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 11.
10K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 11–12.
11K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 12–13.
12K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 13.
13K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 14–15.
14K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 15–16.
15K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 16–17.
16K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 17.
17K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 18.
18K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 19.
19K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 19–20.
20K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 20.
21K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Work And Survival Strategies among Low-Paid Care Migrants in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/working_paper_3.pdf , 22.

Datta Mobile

“migration is first and foremost a series of physical embodied events which involve different emotional experiences including the pain of separation, regret, disappointment, a strong sense of grief as well as pride,
excitement, contentment and acceptance.”1
tendency of Brazilian respondents to identify themselves as “White”2
tendency for men to come from middle classes in their home countries.3
work in 1) “semi-public” space such as London Underground and construction 2) in what are traditionally feminine roles such as cleaning and care.4
“Thus, throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, for example, the Brazilian economy experienced repeated periods of high inflation and economic instability, and declining job opportunities for those with professional qualifications or university training. As a result, and as many Brazilians found, in the face of economic decline at home even ‘low-paid’ menial work in northern hemisphere countries such as the US paid more than professional work in Brazil”5
idealized visions of London encouraging migration.6
migration linked to 1) risk-taking 2) self-improvement 3) need to support family, (in case of Brazilians) often children from previous marriages.7
For relatively prosperous Brazilian young men, migration means of escaping shadow of parents, who might accept migration as a means of instilling work ethic in sons.8
significance of experience of friends and family who have already migrated to London.9
tendency of Brazilians to overstate their success and prosperity in migrating to the UK.10
“Their narratives touched upon the cold grey uninviting weather, finding their way around a
vast unfamiliar city, a fear of getting lost and accounts of difficulties speaking English”11

Points to the way in which migrant's identity shaped by the British immigration system. Restrictions upon low skilled workers from outside EU creating increasing hierarchy between “legal” and “illegal” migrants reflected in their status back home.12 arrival in the UK often traumatic process, often seen to require specific masculine skills.13

sense of isolation and vulnerability on arrival.14
“men described the fear – and shame – that was part and parcel of day-to-day
life as ‘an illegal’ – a life characterised by the constant threat of arrest and deportation.”15 fear of deportation may increase loneliness by reducing visits back to home country.16
“Ethnic segmentation has long been the result of stereotyping on the part of employers, the
role of ethnic networks in employment searches, as well as institutional discrimination”17
“rather than dwelling solely on a loss of status through de-skilling and dequalification, the men also dwelled upon the hard nature of this work which can be seen as a way of highlighting their manliness and also restoring some value to these jobs”18

“London’s construction sites, for example, were dominated by Brazilians, South Africans, Poles, Czechs,
Albanians, and Armenians,”19

self-worth compensated by denigrating other ethnic groups, example given of an anti-Polish Brazilian construction worker.20 shared emphasis on poor working ethnic of British population.21
desire to return home, but as a success.22

Brazilians: being in UK often seen as growing as a person/ maturity.23

migration experience justified in terms of “delayed gratification”24
1K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 4.
2K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 7.
3K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 8.
4K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 8.
5K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 8–9.
6K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 10.
7K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 10–12.
8K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 13.
9K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 13–14.
10K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 14.
11K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 15.
12K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 16.
13K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 17.
14K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 18.
15K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 19.
16K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 20.
17K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 21.
18K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 23.
19K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 25.
20K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 25.
21K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 27–28.
22K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 27.
23K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 28.
24K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Mobile Masculinities: Men, Migration and Low Paid Work in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2008) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/wp9.pdf, 29.

Datta remittances

Refers to a “remittance euphoria” in neo-liberal circles seeing remittances as a new form of funding development.1 Equally among “International Financial Institutions” e.g. World Bank, IMF,2
Official remittances increased from $31.2 billion in 1990 to $ 167 billion in 2005.3
claim that the cost of remittance upon migrants is under-researched.4
migration policy driven by security rather than development concerns.5
Points to how “managed migration” leads to a stratification of migration. In encouraging migration of highly-skilled/skilled migrants (arguably from the more affluent sectors of the Global South) and restricting low-skilled migration, especially under the points regime, the role of remittances becomes increasingly restricted.6
on average migrants send 20-30% of their income back in remittances. Refers to some Brazilians remitting up to 65%7
Most remittances are “altruistic” sent for the subsistence/health/education of family members in home country.8
Many Brazilians have migrated to the UK with the objective of saving enough money to set up a business in Brazil.9 Many Brazilians also involved in paying off debts, either previous debts, or debts incurred to migrate.10
Remittances generated by working long hours in poorly paid jobs.11 payment by hour means loss of pay if absent due to emergencies.12
process of de-skilling linked with complaints of maltreatment by employers.13 undocumented migrants unable to defend their rights before employers.14
A8 acession causes tension with workers from other countries with whom they compete. Gap between Eastern European workers and those from the Global South.15
difficulty of pressure to remit. Many migrants underestimated the cost of living in the UK when choosing to migrate.16 Coping strategies (1) sharing accomodation (2) multiple jobs (3) minimising consumption (even of essentials such as food; or taking the bus/walking instead of tube)17
loneliness (often compensated through regular phone calls) and shame of jobs carried out in UK.18 sensation of being part of an “underclass” (especially undocumented migrants)19






1K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 1.
2K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 3.
3K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 3.
4K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 8.
5K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 9.
6K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 10–12.
7K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf, 14.
8K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 14–17.
9K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 18.
10K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 18–19.
11K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 21.
12K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 22.
13K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 22.
14K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 23.
15K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 23–24.
16K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 25.
17K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 25–26.
18K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 26–27.
19K Datta, C Mcllwaine, Y Evans, J Herbert, J May & J Willis, Challenging Remittances as the New Development Mantra: Perspectives from Low-Paid Migrant Workers in London, (London: Queen Mary University of London, 2006) available online at www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/remittances.pdf , 28.

Thursday, 23 October 2008

Sris 2

Between 2000 and 2002 health service and IT were the main industries for which work permits were issued.1
difficulty in defining a “migrant” limitation in using the term “foreign-born” (which may include British citizens born overseas) and “foreign” (which may exclude migrants who take up citizenship).2
outline the existing paths, pre-point system, under which a migrant may come to the UK to work.3
migration, deal with labour and skills shortage, but on its own, not a sufficent measure to deal with ageing population.4

Sris

Explain their use of the LFS (Labour force survey-a quarterly sampling of the Labour force) and some of its limitations.1
Better control over the Eurotunnell and in Calais reduced number of those entering illegally.2
census data on foreign born population present in a table3 OECD estimate that 9.7% are foreign-born in 20054 LFS 10.1 in 2007, still lower than many other European countries.5
critiques the way public discourse confuses immigrants and settled black and ethnic minority communities.6
note that Brazil does not appear in the list of ethnic groups with other 60,000 in the UK.7
chance of re-emigration increases with time in the UK.8
suggest a higher tendency to be entrepreneurial amongst immigrants.9 linked to difficulties in the labour market.10
claims that evidence suggests that immigrants do not compete with native workers for jobs and that immigration actually contributes to increase the wages of the latter.11
indicate that on the whole, the take up of benefits amongst immigrant communities is less than in the native British population (proves this through a breakdown of benefits, including social housing). When it is higher, this is usually down to the incidence of naturalised British citizens and recognised refugees.12
most immigrant groups fare better economically than the British based population [note this does not include irregulars]; however, great differences between ethnic groups (note that many of the higher earners are people who were allowed in precisely to earn high wages as high skilled migrants.)13

Nathan

Critiques the way that migration is often presented in terms of national benefits v local costs; argues that there is a lack of research on the long term impact of migration on local communities.1
uneven spread of migrants across Britain, concentration in large cities but increasing presence in rural areas.2
Key agencies (1) Home office (2) MAC- Migration Advisory Committee has the role of determining employer needs (3) MIF- Migration Impact Forum3
compared to other countries long term migration intake in the UK is low, yet short term migration flow is high, and becoming more significant than long term.4
migration leading to changes in both large and smaller urban areas with an increase in diversity.5
Three major effects of migration on local economies: 1) skills 2) diversity 3) size of population and of economy.6
employers like migrants: 1) “hard and soft skills” 2) “bring fresh ideas, approaches and experiences.”7
tendency for the “downgrading” of highly skilled migrants.8
In the long term migration expected to have little if no effect on wage and employment levels. In the short term impact may be reduced by migrants competing between themselves for jobs UK population do not want. Marginalisation of migrants may cause problems as this may encourage a “cheap labour” fix rather than an improvement in technology and in the skills of the existing workforce.9
Diversity 1) widens skill set 2) innovation 3) emergence of new markets, both in the country and overseas.10
migrants have a “housing footprint” that is below average due to the tendency to share accomodation.11
1M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 7.
2M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 9.
3M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 11.
4M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 12.
5M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 14.
6M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 15.
7M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 16.
8M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 18.
9M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 18–19.
10M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 20–22.
11M Nathan, Your Place or Mine? The Local Economics of Migration, (London: IPPR, 2008) 24.

Wednesday, 22 October 2008

Fielding

Points to neo-liberal (ie free market) arguments against migration policies and libertarian arguments which see it as a breach of human rights.1
arguments for controls (1) danger of one country being colonized by immigrants of another (2) borders need to be controlled to make liberal democracies manageable.2
“This conflict of interests and policy in industrialised societies...between maximising labour supply...and protecting a nation's cultural integrity...is a dilemma which admits few easy solutions.”3
experience with the apparatus of the nation state the most significant in the immigrant experience.4
increase in economic inequality between Europe and the rest of the world, leads to an increase in immigration controls and in illegal immigration.5
greater difficulty in the UK of reducing overstayers, whereas illegal entry less common than in other European countries.6
“It is difficult to withhold permanently the rights of citizenship from those who are required to fulfil the responsibilities of citizenship such as payment of taxes.”7
“The main problem, however, facing many immigrants and their family members is the legality of their status within the West European city.”8
London, concentration of ethnic minorities in inner suburbs, especially those north of the river.9
1A Fielding, “Migrations, Institutions and Politics: The Evolution of European Migration Policies,” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 40–62, 41.
2A Fielding, “Migrations, Institutions and Politics: The Evolution of European Migration Policies,” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 40–62, 41–42.
3A Fielding, “Migrations, Institutions and Politics: The Evolution of European Migration Policies,” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 40–62, 42.
4A Fielding, “Migrations, Institutions and Politics: The Evolution of European Migration Policies,” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 40–62, 42.
5A Fielding, “Migrations, Institutions and Politics: The Evolution of European Migration Policies,” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 40–62, 43.
6A Fielding, “Migrations, Institutions and Politics: The Evolution of European Migration Policies,” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 40–62, 49.
7A Fielding, “Migrations, Institutions and Politics: The Evolution of European Migration Policies,” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 40–62, 53.
8A Fielding, “Migrations, Institutions and Politics: The Evolution of European Migration Policies,” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 40–62, 56.
9P White, “Immigrants and the Social Geography of European Cities” in R King (ed), Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1993) 65–82, 74–75.

Farrant et al

“Public concern about immigration in general is at unprecedented levels (MORI 2005), with a significant proportion of people polled recently feeling that the Government does not have immigration under control (MORI 2003).
Irregular migration is seen as an important public issue in several ways:

• as evidence that the immigration system is failing or being abused

• as a challenge to national sovereignty (that is, the UK may not have total control over who comes and goes from the country)

• as potentially compromising the security of the UK (especially in light of growing fears about international terrorism)

• as exposing some vulnerable migrants to exploitation, in transit or when they get to the UK. “1


define irregular migrants as those “liable to be deported for issues related to immigration status.”2 reasons 1) entry by avoiding controls 2) false documents 3) overstay 4) unreturned asylum seekers 5) lack of papers 6) failure in applying for asylum elsewhere.3
preference for term irregular as it captures complexity of issue and avoids connotation with criminality; irregulars have committed administrative offences and not serious crimes.4
compares use of “Irregular” “Illegal” “Undocumented” and “Unauthorised.”5
points out that the reasons for irregular migration are basically the same as those for regular migration; “it is the policies of receiving countries that create irregularity”6;
preference for the residual method of determining # of irregular migrants (subtracting from the total number of foreign born residents those entitled to be here legally) range of 310,000-570,000 with a median estimate of 430,000. Limitations 1) does not include all those liable to deportation (e..g. Over-working students) 2) census data out of date.7
points to the many dangerous routes of entry into the UK.8
irregular migrants concentrated in those jobs which are “difficult, dirty and dangerous” (and low-paid)9
“There are several different estimates regarding the scale of the informal economy in the UK. One average ‘guesstimate’ of its size is 6.8 per cent of GDP or £75 billion (Small Business Council 2005). While there may be short‐term fiscal advantages for both the individual and the employer in the informal economy, the broader social and economic costs are significant, ranging from a loss of social protection and rights, to increased taxpayers’ burden and limited business expansion”10 nonetheless irregulars may ensure that some jobs are done; or do not have prices pushed up dramatically.11
regularisation would involve a contribution of £485 million to over £1 billion a year to the exchequer.12
cost of deportation averages at £ 11,000 a case.13
more restrictive controls in which migrants find it more difficult to travel to and from between home country and host country may encourage permanence.14
“Immigration to the UK has been less permanent than is commonly thought: almost half (46 per cent) of all overseas‐born immigrants left the UK within five years of arrival between 1981 and 2002 (Office for National Statistics 2004).”15
Difficulty in defending human rights of irregulars as 1) Britain has no written constitution 2) irregulars excluded from many international conventions 3) Bringing a case to court involves exposure and the risk of deportation.16
compares the effect of different policies towards irregular migration.17
UK Policy: 1) historically a reliance on external border control, including carrier liability 2) a trend towards the use of internal controls e.g. Ids 3) reduce the demand for irregular labour through employer sanctions (on the whole ineffective so far) 4) increase the scope for regular migration [but is current points system a form of reversing this for low skilled labour] 5) long residence concession (discretionary for adults with 14 consecutive years and children with seven) 18 No current plans for a major regularisation programme.19
1M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 4.
2M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 5.
3M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 5.
4M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 5.
5M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 6.
6M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 8.
7M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 9.
8M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 10.
9M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 11.
10M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 12.
11M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 12.
12M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 12.
13M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 12.
14M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 13.
15M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 13.
16M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 14.
17M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 15.
18M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 17.
19M Farrant, C Grieve & D Sriskandarajah, Irregular Migration in the UK: An IPPR Fact File, (London: IPPR, 2006) 17.

Dustmann

Large proportion of working immigrants are recent arrivals, 8% arrived in the last year, one third in the last 10.1
points to an increasing diversity in the country of origin of immigrants.2
“He ¯nds that immigrants are more likely to be self-employed than UK-born individuals with similar levels of skills. Borjas explains these results with what he calls enclave effects: Immigrants create enclaves by concentrating in geographical areas. Such enclaves then provide self-employment opportunities for other members of the respective national group. In these enclaves UK-born individuals lack knowledge of language and preferences of potential customers and have therefore a disadvantage when competing for the same self-employment opportunities.”3

“When computing the effect of language prffciency on the employment and wage gap between UK-born individuals and ethnic minority immigrants, the study concludes that lan-guage largely reduces differences in both economic outcomes.”4

claim that it is difficult to quantify the impact of immigration on the employment and wages of the resident population (1) on unemployment no clear evidence of adverse effect, some indication of increased unemployment but so small to be statistically insignificant (2) on wages, some indication of higher wages.5
1C Dustmann, F Fabri, I Preston & J Wadsworth, Labour Market Performance of Immigrants in the UK Labour Market, Home Office Online Report 05/03 available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs2/rdsolr0503.pdf 19.
2C Dustmann, F Fabri, I Preston & J Wadsworth, Labour Market Performance of Immigrants in the UK Labour Market, Home Office Online Report 05/03 available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs2/rdsolr0503.pdf 19–20.
3C Dustmann, F Fabri, I Preston & J Wadsworth, Labour Market Performance of Immigrants in the UK Labour Market, Home Office Online Report 05/03 available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs2/rdsolr0503.pdf, 41.
4C Dustmann, F Fabri, I Preston & J Wadsworth, Labour Market Performance of Immigrants in the UK Labour Market, Home Office Online Report 05/03 available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs2/rdsolr0503.pdf, 57.
5C Dustmann, F Fabri, I Preston & J Wadsworth, The Local Labour Market Effects of Immigration in the UK, Home Office Online Report 06/03 available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs2/rdsolr0603.p , 4–7.

Dench

Makes the point that a worker in a low-skilled job is not necessarily low skilled themselves.1 Points system to simplify the 50 ways one can enter the UK to work and study into one manageable system.2
explanation of current work permit scheme.3
EU enlargement seen to reduce the need for non-EEA migration of low skilled workers.4
students the largest category of people entering the UK eligible to work.5
reasons for hiring migrants 1) fill vacancies 2) willingness to work outside of regular hours 3) reputation for being hard working and efficient (esp. illegals)6
concentration of migrants in low-skilled jobs linked to the likelihood that they would stay.7
despite (or maybe because of?) tensions, migrant workers help to increase productivity of other workers.8
“Other respondents had experience of Brazilians masquerading as Portuguese, who were also exposed by fellow workers. It was commented that Portuguese can tell the difference between fellow expatriates and Brazilians, and that they resent these impostors.”9
exploitation of illegal migrants 1) lower pay 2) same pay but larger deductions (e.g. Accomodation costs) 3) long hours.10
difficulty for migrant workers to open accounts, many are charged by third-parties to allow access to accounts.11
1S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 2.
2S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 2.
3S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 4.
4S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 5.
5S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 14.
6S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 16–17.
7S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 25.
8S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 35.
9S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 62.
10S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 63.
11S Dench, J Hurtsfield, D Hill & K Akroyd, Employers' Use of Migrant Labour: Main Report, Home Office Online Report 04/06, available online at www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs06/rdsolr0406.pdf [Accessed October 16 2008] 64.s

Wednesday, 1 October 2008

Moxon

claims of widespread failure within the Home Office's Immigration and Nationality Directorate1 (1)

claims that “Britain is currently sustaining uncontrolled mass net immigration”2 (2)

“honesty about immigration looks like the thin end of a highly interesting wedge that could benefit us all.”3 (3)

affirms that the problem with migration is that those coming are unskilled and unsocialised in Western ways.4 (4-5)

“It is undeniable that these communities are necessarily divisive in their very presence within the cities where they are located.”5 (6)

note the use of a military analogy, in which immigration officers are presented as the “front line” protecting the country from attack.6 (7)


affirms that there is a lack of numbers and resources to support the work of immigration officers.7 (9)

denies that there is economic benefit from migration.8 (44-58) (1) no imminent decline in native population9 (45) (2) pension crises easily resolved by simple reforms such as ending compulsory retirement and raising retirement age.10 (45-47) (3) loss of jobs by native workers, and fall in wages11 (47) (4) cost in providing social services for migrants12 (48)

blames the importing of unskilled migrant workers for the industrial decline of Northern cities at a time when technological investment was required.13 (49)

claims that migration increases inequality in UK (a) employers benefit more than workers (b) inequality amongst migrants.14

counters Home Office claims that UK is 2-3 billion p/a better off with immigration claiming that it does not include many neglected costs.15

seems to suggest that migration is to blame for many men becoming unattractive to women because they cannot support themselves.16

points to abuse in the Work Permit system17

“problem of the free rider invading a host society from outside”18

claims the victim of migration is the “work ing class male”19

1S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 1.

2S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 2.

3S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 3.

4S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 4–5.

5S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 6.

6S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 7.

7S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 9.

8S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 44–58.

9S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 45.

10S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 45-47.

11S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 47.

12S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 48.

13S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 49.

14S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 50.

15S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 51.

16S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 53.

17S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 56–57.

18S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 73.

19S Moxon, The Great Immigration Scandal, (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004) 74.

Wednesday, 24 September 2008

Modood

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“Ethnic minorities in Britain can no longer be said to “be at the bottom of the occupational and income scale.” description true of some but not all...in general “ethnic minorities are reversing the initial downward mobility produced by migration and racial discrimination in the early years of settlement in Britain.”1

1Tariq Modood, “Ethnic diversity and racial disadvantage in employment” inT Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 53–73, 70.

Tuesday, 23 September 2008

Mason

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One aspect of immigration from the New Commonwealth was to aid the reconstruction process. Another was that in this period there “was a growing demand for skilled workers in emergent sectors” so that as British workers gained upward mobility gaps in “unskilled and routine semi-skilled jobs at the lower levels of the labour market” appeared especially in “declining industries where cheap labour was a substitute for capital investment or an alternative to collapse.”1

1905 Aliens Act (essentially a response to Jewish migration) sought to manage the entry of foreigners although not vigorously applied “Its main significance lay in the fact that it represented a breach of the longstanding principle...that entry to Britain should be open”. Further legislation emerged with the imminence of the First World War which “gave the Home Secretary powers to exclude or deport those thought undesirable and introduced a requirement of registration with the police.”2

New Commonwealth immigrants occupied the least desirable jobs and housing.3 Social strains emerged.4

Voucher system established in the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act.5

Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1968, in introducing the principle of patriality to thrawrt the arrival of East African Asians had the unworded intention of discriminating according to colour.6

Work permit system established in the 1971 Immigration Act established “a practical limitation on their ability to challenge poor working conditions or to involve themselves in any kind of political or trade union activity.”7

1991 ethnic minorities at 3 million, 5.5% of the population.8 4 million born outside of the UK.9

tendency for spatial concentration of ethnic minorities.10 See table by district.11

“immigration controls introduced from 1962 onwards was increasingly to exclude potential migrants who were not white...colour other than white might arouse suspicions about citizenship status.”12

“attempts to prevent illegal entry have frequently extended beyond ports of entry, into the wider community....the subtle message received by many of Britain's minority ethnic citizens is that they are second class citizens.”13



1D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 23.

2D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 24.

3D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 26.

4D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 26.

5D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 26.

6D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 27.

7D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 28.

8D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 32–33.

9D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 37.

10D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 35.

11D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 36.

12D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 123.

13D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 124.