Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)
Introduction
refers to the way many Pentecostal churches have had to Pentecostalise to survive in Brazil, e.g. Through the formation of “renovada” churches.1 (3)
admits that many churches have increased amongst the middle class but that the bulk of converts come from the poor.2 (3-4)
describes development of theories on Pentecostal growth from anomie caused by migration to ability to cope with Poverty (Mariz) or affliction in general (Burdick) to empowering and offering security to the victims of modernization (Martin).3 (4-5) Chesnut's theory relates the faith healing message of these churches and the impact of poverty related illnesses.4 (5-6)
claims that some of the first converts to the AoG were Belenenses stricken by tropical diseases.5 (9)
stats on inequality in Brazil.6 (15)
“Urbanization concentrated people in high-density spaces that sharpened both domestic and extradomestic conflict, particularly in favelas and baixadas...Many Pentecostal women, in fact, enter the church seeking a solution to their husbands' philandering.”7 (16)
In Belem, members of the Quadrangular earned twice as much as AoG. Socioeconomical ranking of churches, IEQ, IURD, AD (AoG), CC, BPC, DEA,8 (19)
IEQ, IURD: emphasis on running their own business.9 (21)
Limitation of rural-urban migration theory: 1) many were actually Pentecostals before coming to Belem 2) strong presence of AoG in rural areas.10(22)
“nonindigenous Latin American men have traditionally regarded religion as pertaining to the private female sphere of the home and family...devout Catholic and Umbanda men...are often suspected of being homosexual.”11 (23)
“Pentecostal Manichaeism demonizes the street, where many favelados... face the temptations of liquor and prostitution among others.”12 (24)

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

A Prophetic History
“With little access to the city's precarious health care facilities and neglected by the Catholic church, many ill Belenenses and their families came to the Assemblies of God as a last resort.”1 (28)
refers to trips made by Berg and Vingren to the Southeast and the change of HQ to RJ in 1930.2 (29)
Swedish leaders decision to nationalise the church in 1930.3 (30)
Although CC growth was faster in the earlier years it was also highly regionalised, whereas by 1940 AoG had spread to all states and territories.4 (31)
Persecution of Protestants in Vargas era; Neo-Christendom, stoning of churches but few lost their lives.5 (33)
National Evangelisation Crusade--> novelty; wide press coverage, collective healing sessions.6 (35) Followed by resistance from Pentecostal leaders so that Williams founded Crusade Church which then became IEQ.7 (36)
Use of sertanejo rhythms helped Manoel de Mello's success amongst Northeastern migrants.8 (37)
Exorcism a major feature of Deus e Amor church including calling upon evil spirits from Umbanda to be collectively exorcised by congregation.9 (38-39)
“Unlike the omnipresent Jesus and Holy Spirit of Pentecostal churches, the saints of popular Catholicism tend to be fixed to particular locales and do not travel easily.”10 (40)
claims that many Pentecostal leaders because women can use it to challenge the authority of the pastors.11 (43)
“Middle class Pentecostals in the Central Temple and larger churches had little tolerance for the rustic Portuguese of unlettered preachers.”12 (43)
prefers the term postmodern to neo-pentecostal as the latter does not allow one to distinguish between the modern BPC and IEQ and the IURD.13 (45)
claims that prosperity theology was imported from the US.14 (47) refers to a “five keys of prosperity change in an IEQ church.15 (178 note 18)

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Health Maintenance: Spiritual Ecstasy and Mutual Aid
importance of the experience of God's power.1 92-93
“Spiritual baptism provides a phenomenological bridge to the new faith for poor Brazilians familiar with spirit possession in African-Brazilian religion.”2 94
“In Latin American Pentecostalism...the Holy Spirit is a decidedly masculine being...penetrates the believer, injecting her with seminal power.”3 95
“the Holy Spirit operates as a sort of divine patron, offering protection in exchange for service and loyalty.”4 96
“The AD's organizational design, though centralized, has left the churches of the baixadas with sufficient autonomy to maintain the priesthood of all believers.”5 (98) contrast this with the more authoritarian nature of the “postmodern” Pentecostal churches [can they be postmodern, then?]6 (98) claims that in the latter, members become the beneficiaries, but not the practitioners of gifts which are concentrated in the leaders.7 (99)
Speaking in tongues, escape from speaking in a Portuguese which is ridiculed by the rest of society.8 (100)
Healing, beyond pastors is exercised by exceptionally devout women; status on pastor dependent on talent as healer.9 (102)
“So fundamental is music to Pentecostal liturgy in Brazil that it typically comprises two-thirds of the culto.”10 (102)
Significance of mutual aid in the church, often through informal networks rather than the institution.11 (104) Role as a job bank.12 (105) role of pastors as employment agents.13 (106)

Martin

o

prior to the 1950s "Brazil was something of an exception in having a staid Protestant Middle class"¹ (50)

"During roughly their first century in Latin America Protestants were regarded as alien invaders by conservatives...natural opponents of the alliance between church and state, and opponents of the teaching of the Catholic religion in state schools. Liberal governments and anti-clericals regarded them as allies of progress and friends of welfare." ²(50)

1985 Protestant Pastors> Catholic Priests in Brazil ³(50-51)

"two distinctive genealogies...conservative evangelicalism...correct grammar of belief ... Pentecostal ... gifts of the Spirit...two other genealogies propagating rapidly...the Adventists...closely related to the evangelical family...Mormons and Witnesses who belong to quite diffetrent genealogical trees."⁴ (52)

Shift towards autonomy and fragmentation⁵ (52)

Older protestants link with the Protestant Ethic..."had made their way into the lower middle class and professional classes."⁶ (53)

"Pentecostals....constitute a much more extensive engagement with the poor....the flexibility and variety brought about by fragmentation both enables them to stay popular...and to create offshoots which can be offered either to those who are ready for mobility or to those already in the middle class."⁷ (53)

Use of media...due to costs still area of significant North American involvement ⁸(53)

"an explosion of conservative evangelical religion, a shift towards Pentecostalism, a rejection of ecumenism, and the manifestation among many of those involved of the evangelical capacity to unite modern technology with political conservative." ⁹(54)

Breaks in Hispanic dominance: (1) British/ US influence creating Protestant enclaves¹⁰ (55)

(2) Migration to Latin America. Often migrants bring their religion; at times situation may make migrants more open to change. "Thus the Italian community in Brazil provided a fertile seedbed for the origins of a Pentecostal denomination, Brasil para Cristo." ¹¹(56) (3) Slave migration. Interesting not only because it brought African religions but because "Pentecostalism in part originated in black culture...and Pentecostalism today catches fire among the brushwood of spiritist cults with African roots." ¹²(56)

Influence of the Patronato system..."In some countries during the Enlightenment, notably Brazil, the church was neutered and barely recovered. It is true that the Brazilian church was eventually Romanized again in the twentieth century, but the years of attrition left it perilously weak....the Roman Catholic Church has suffered both from the way it was established and the manner in which it was disestablished. "¹³ (57)

Culture often resistant to Catholic teaching...celibacy inintelligible and actual attendance at church often regarded as "suitable only for the very young, the old and the women." ¹⁴(57)

significance of Catholicism not so much in doctrines but in "cultural and national identifications"¹⁵ (58)

divisions in the church over politics make it more vulnerable to Protestantism¹⁶ (58)

"Pentecostalism itself is a form of base community plus the therapeutic recourse to the Spirit found in Umbanda" ¹⁷(61)

Modern Brazilian History: (1) 1800s-1930s (2) 1930s until today with subdivision in 1964¹⁸ (61)

1850s-1930s (1) shift towards modernity whilst power and social structure remained the same (2) emergence of several middle classes, arrival of immigrants (3) shift from NE to SE; modern urban centres developing through industrialization, migration and dispersion of former slaves¹⁹ (61-62)

1891 separation of church and state, re-romanization of RCC ²⁰(62-63)

"Brazilians...were not well disposed towards the priesthood and celibacy, and rarely sought ordination...priests had to be brought in from abroad...the equation between Catholic faith and being a patriotic citizen has had less force and less success in Brazil than in many other parts of Latin America." ²¹(62)

Presbyterians: inital group to make impact. More conservative ones came to Brazil. Divided over nationalism; balance between education and evangelism; ministerial training and freemasonry ²²(63)

Baptists: greater stress on evangelism. More socially inclusive. Decentralized so could cope better with schism; ²³(63)

"The greater success of Baptists relative to Presbyterians presaged the future success of Pentecostals. The Pentecostals were in most respects like the Baptist, only more so."²⁴ (63)

Methodists contributed to education and welfare but not to the church.²⁵ (63)

"Protestants could find an opening either where there was movement as on the frontier, or where there was modest independence." ²⁶(64)

Protestantism: dislike of alcohol; promiscuity and dancing. Attachment to work and social mobility²⁷ (64)

Pastors: rural middle class; ascension of progeny; "were power brokers and patrons in prop²⁸er Brazilian style." (64)

authoritarian spirit in Protestantism paved way for division.²⁹ (64)

1930 Vargas coup--> industrialization + Urbanization. Emergence of working class as actors.³⁰ (64)

1930-1964 rapid expansion of Pentecostalism ³¹(65)

Pentecostalism...fully indigineous "cut people off from the wider society in order to raise them in a new religious framework."³² (65)

"Frase sums this up by saying that Pentecostalism offers the fruits of honesty and thrift and a surrogate family, as well as the chances of participation and a sense of work, meaning and empowerment."³³ (65)

Brasil para Cristo...use of modern communications...participation in secular politics...large central temple³⁴ (65)

expansion of Pentecostals into Middle class exemplified by R. McAlister's Church of New Life³⁵ (66)

1D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50.

2D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50.

3D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 50–51.

4D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 52.

5D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 52.

6D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.

7D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.

8D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 53.

9D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 54.

10D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 55.

11D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 56.

12D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 56.

13D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 57.

14D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 57.

15D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 58.

16D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 58.

17D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61.

18D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61.

19D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 61–62.

20D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 62–63.

21D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 62.

22D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.

23D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.

24D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.

25D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 63.

26D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

27D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

28D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

29D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

30D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 64.

31D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.

32D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.

33D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.

34D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 65.

35D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America,(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990) 66.

Oro

claims that Stoll and Martin's suggestion re: Pentecostal growth appear exaggerated ¹ (287)

1AP Oro and M Ureta, “ Religião e política na América Latina: uma análise da legislação dos países.,” Horizontes Antropológicos 13:27 (2007): 281–310, 287.

political action of IURD>AOG partly through greater insistence on official candidates. 4SQ have internal primaries before launching candidates¹ (59-60)

table with different approaches of churches to politics² (62)

IURD support for Lula in 2002 election; concern with poor ³(62-63)

both Serra [AoG & 4SQ] and Lula [IURD, Renascer some AoG pastors] ⁴(63)

links greater role of religion in politics to a disenchantment with politics⁵ (64)

1AP Oro, “A Política da Igreja Universal e seu Reflexo nos Campos Politico e Religioso Brasileiros,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 18, no. 53 (2003): 53–69, 59–60.

2AP Oro, “A Política da Igreja Universal e seu Reflexo nos Campos Politico e Religioso Brasileiros,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 18, no. 53 (2003): 53–69, 62.

3AP Oro, “A Política da Igreja Universal e seu Reflexo nos Campos Politico e Religioso Brasileiros,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 18, no. 53 (2003): 53–69,62–63.

4AP Oro, “A Política da Igreja Universal e seu Reflexo nos Campos Politico e Religioso Brasileiros,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 18, no. 53 (2003): 53–69, 63.

5AP Oro, “A Política da Igreja Universal e seu Reflexo nos Campos Politico e Religioso Brasileiros,” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 18, no. 53 (2003): 53–69, 64.

Alvarez

"Latin American Pentecostals are large, self-supporting, self-governed and self-multiplying churches." ¹(140)

"twenty-first century Pentecostals face problems of leadership, education, division and social alienation." ²(140)

refers to the significance of background knowledge acquired through Roman Catholicism³ (141)

refers to the acceptance of the supernatural ⁴(141)

For Pentecostals "the Catholic Church also represents, in their mind, an agent of alienation, oppression and compromise with the demonic powers of the world." ⁵(142)

refers to the importance of lay participation in the structures of the church ⁶(143)

"the problem of numerical growth without proper biblical teaching and discipleship. In some ares, they also tend to center too much power in authoritarian leaders." ⁷(145) danger of an "artificial spirituality"⁸ (145)

perceives the dangers of a growing secularism and materialism ⁹(146) danger of North American imports ¹⁰(146)

fears the danger of a new and triumphalist Pentecostal subculture ¹¹(146)

Escobar's reasons for growth in Latin America:

(1) Spiritual facts (2) Anthropological reasons--hunger for God (3) Sociological elements, providing identity, shelter, security and community (4) Pastoral methodology: lay participation

(5) Psychologican and cultural factors --freedom of worship, use of folk music ¹²(148)

refers to an estimate of 3000 Pentecostal Missionaries sent from Latin America ¹³(149)

links prosperity theology with the process of secularization ¹⁴(152-153)

1M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 140.

2M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 140.

3M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 141.

4M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 141.

5M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 142.

6M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 143.

7M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 145.

8M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 145.

9M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 146.

10M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 146.

11M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 146.

12M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 148.

13M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 149.

14M Alvarez, 'The South and the Latin American Paradigm of the Pentecostal Movement', Asia Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:1 (2002), 135–153, 152–153.

Macchia

"the Pentecostal movement has managed, in just less than a century, to contribute to nearly as many different divisions as it took the rest of the church a millennium to produce."¹ (340-341)

o

"Pentecostals who choose not to build relationships with other people who claim to be Christian run the risk of being charged with intolerance, with proselytism, or of inciting the rhetoric of 'Holy War'... As the world becomes smaller, members of other religions are looking to ecumenical groups for help in putting a stop to evangelism...among their members. The lack of Pentecostal input into these discussions makes this a very dangerous state of affairs."² (352-353)

JM Davis in 1943 studied "the leadership styles, message, training methods, and lower class audience of Brazilian Pentecostals" concluded that Pentecostals were suited to evangelising the people of Brazil ³(42)

"As David Martin noted of Latin American Pentecostalism, divine healing along with ecstatic speech, testimonies, and music served to create a distinctive atmosphere of lay participation in worship, in which the voiceless gained an important voicE"⁴ (19)

argues that Global Market Culture is idolatrous and pernicious. Fears that in moving from their ascetic origins to the hedonism of prosperity theology some Pentecostals may be capitulating to this new idol ⁵(386-395)

o

"In a church in Brazil I once heard a woman give a testimony in which she thanked God that although she once did not have a colour TV, now she had onE Rather than helping her to question the consumer way of life, which is the main rival of Christian faith today, her church seemed to strengthen and undergird those values."⁶ (392)

1990 marked the appearance of "the first comprehensive works on Latin American Protestantism and politics"⁷ (133)

o

"Foreign missionaries helped to spark, not create, a new religious tradition in Latin America. The impulse for new churches, membership, and the vast majority of leaders came from Latin America."⁸ (134)

1CM Robeck, Jr.,' Pentecostals and Ecumenism in a Pluralistic World', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 338–362, 340–341.

2CM Robeck, Jr.,' Pentecostals and Ecumenism in a Pluralistic World', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 338–362, 352–353.

3LG McClung, Jr., ''Try to Get People Saved' Revisting the Paradigm of an Urgent Pentecostal Missiology', in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 30–51, 42.

4F Macchia, 'The Struggle for Global Witness: Shifting Paradigms in Pentecostal Theology' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999), 8–26, 19.

5H Cox, ' 'Pentecostalism and Global Market Culture': A Response to Issues Facing Pentecostalism in a Postmodern World' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 386–395.

6H Cox, ' 'Pentecostalism and Global Market Culture': A Response to Issues Facing Pentecostalism in a Postmodern World' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 386–395, 392.

7E Cleary, 'Latin American Pentecostalism' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 131–150, 133.

8E Cleary, 'Latin American Pentecostalism' in Dempster et al (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 131–150, 134.

Macchia...

" A spirit of tolerance for other religions in Brazil, Guatemala, and Chile, may have aided in this reception and growtH"1 (134)
o
"Pentecostalism...expresses something of the soul of Latin America"2 (134)
"many Latin Americans have a Christian soul, one of the expressions of which is Pentecostalism."3 (134-135)
Pentecostal churches almost immediately embraced local leadership4 (135)
Pentecostalism linked with Catholic resurgence5 (135)

"In three countries [Guatemala, Chile, Brazil] where Pentecostal growth is most prominent, Catholic seminary students increased dramatically...Also in Brazil, sales of Bibles have explodeD In the last four years 4.5 million complete Bibles were sold, 36 per cent by Catholic publishers."6 (135)
claims that in many deprivation studies "Often overlooked were key Pentecostals active in society as shopkeepers, small entrepreneurs and school teachers. Many key persons became upper-lower and lower-middle classes, a creative strata whose aspirations helped to give leadership."7 (136)
both poor Pentecostals ascended socially and the recruitment of converts from the middle class 8(136)
"A major element in the advancement to middle social status has been education. Pentecostals stay in school longer."9 (136)
"Holiness, humility, and a strict moral code stand out as characteristics of Pentecostalism throughout countries studied in Latin America." 10(137)
"Part of the perfectionist ideal is sacrificial giving....The fundamental source of financial support for Pentecostal churches in Latin America is the generosity of individual members." 11(137)
Women: although Pentecostals reinforce traditional male dominance "the combination of emphasis on religious equality, new roles open to women in the life of the church" undermine machismo whilst within the church women see themselves as individuals responsible for their own lives before God and become "active, responsible agents in their own and family lives."12 (138)
o
On the job training of Pentecostal pastors.13 (138-139)
Social ascension causes problems of lack of pastors with formal academic training 14(139)
decline of effect of street preaching, especially amongst the middle class15 (139-140)
questions whether Neo-Pentecostals who emphasise health and wealth are to be considered part of Pentecostalism 16(142)

Muniz

"Verificam-se no Brasil na década de 90 (especialmente – e ironicamente – em 1995, Ano das Nações Unidas para a Tolerância), choques sérios entre um setor evangélico, a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, e a Igreja Católica (mais TV Globo), com destaque para o famoso episódio do “chute na santa”. Outra constante é a reclamação de que a cobertura jornalística de matérias envolvendo evangélicos tem sido freqüentemente discriminatória. Enfim, outra circunstância incômoda para muitos evangélicos é a política adotada pela Fundação Nacional de Amparo ao Índio (FUNAI) de proibição de acesso de missionários evangélicos a comunidades indígenas Para completar o quadro, os “evangélicos” são freqüentemente acusados de intolerância e sua ascensão é vista, devido a essa imagem, com certo temor por setores da sociedade." ¹(9)

o

"São fundamentais na definição de identidade evangélica: 1. a exclusividade de Jesus como caminho de salvação; 2. obrigação de combater a idolatria; 3. um forte senso de “ter a verdade” e “ser diferente”; 4. um forte senso de obrigação de evangelizar, mas não apenas de semear o Evangelho para quem quiser ouvir, e sim expandir."² (13)

on prosperity theology

"Se a ética protestante foi co-geradora do espírito capitalista, para depois ser por ele completamente repelida, ou melhor, desprezada como irrelevante em suas raízes religiosas, agora o turbocapitalismo em sua fase ultraconsumista se lança com toda a força de sua influência sobre a “religião protestante”, e é co-genitor de profunda transformação doutrinária" ³(17)

prosperity theology seen as consumer mentality "A ética neopentecostal por excelência é a aplicação combinada da Teologia da Prosperidade e da doutrina da Batalha Espiritual."⁴ (18)

role of speaking in tongues, healing and exorcism in Pentecostalism⁵ (19-20)

"Bastian joga a possibilidade de a força do pentecostalismo residir em sua capacidade de ruptura com a subordinação à ordem católica, sem mudar a estrutura da religião do pobre urbano. Tira os santos, porem restitui, reformulado, o imaginário mágico articulado a formas hipermodernas de comunicação e de gestão."⁶ (20)

"Frestonqualifica os pentecostais como distintos teologicamente pela ênfase nos dons do Espírito Santo, como línguas, curas e profecias, e sociologicamente pela evangelização quase sempre das camadas pobres. Apresentam alto índice de prática e forte senso de minoria aliado à natureza sectária da socialização pentecostal."⁷(22)

refers to Freston's claim that part of the rejection of pentecostals by some is that they challenge the hierarchichal sincretistic model of Brazilian religion replacing it with a competitive pluralism ⁸(24)

"Logo no início da leitura das reportagens publicadas em 1995, selecionadas para esta análise, fica evidente que, enquanto para a imprensa representada pela Folha de S.Paulo — e também para a Igreja Católica, setores da intelectualidade e correntes protestantes —, a atitude “proselitista” da Universal representa a essência de sua intolerância, para a Universal — em artigos e editoriais na sua Folha — “ecumenismo” não passa de uma estratégia católica de cooptação, e abrir mão do proselitismo, ou da evangelização, seria abrir mão de sua identidade."⁹ (34)

1R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 9.

2R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 13.

3R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 17.

4R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 18.

5R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 19–20.

6R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 20.

7R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 22.

8R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 24.

9R Muniz, ' Intolerância Religião no Brasil: Leitura crítica da Folha de S.Paulo e da Folha Universal

durante 1995, Ano Internacional da Tolerância', NURES 4 (2006), http://www.pucsp.br/nures/revista2/index.htm, 34.

Moraes

points to decline and syncretism in the Roman Catholic Church ¹(22)

argues that growth of Pentecostalism marks

(1) the religious pluralism emerging in Brazil (2) an increase in the fundamentalism of Brazilian Christianity ²(22)

remarks also on the growth of Charismatic catholicism, Umbanda and New Age spirituality³ (22)

links this with the "decentralised and nominal religiosity of postmodernism"⁴ (22)

claims that the Brazilian religious heritage leads people to cultural/nominal Christianity; fundamentalism or atheism⁵ (22-23)

postmodernity "ignite both a quest for the spiritual and a highly individualised culture." (22)

o

claims that the majority of his new members come either from secularism, nominal Catholicism or from African Cults⁶ (2

1M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 22–24, 22.

2M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 22–24, 22.

3M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 22–24, 22.

4M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 22–24, 22.

5M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 22–24, 22–23.

6M Moraes, 'The Church of the Good Samaritan, Boa Viagem' Transformation 21:1 ( 2004), 22–24, 23.

Matviuk

Latin American Pentecostalism consisting mainly of females and young people who on the whole are poor and collectivistically oriented ¹(207)

o

"The early Pentecostals of the twentieth century considered themselves as God's end-time people, who by his grace, were 1) saved, 2) sanctified and 3) baptized in the Holy Spirit." ²(208)

Follows Harvey Cox in pointing out 5 main practices 1) experiential spirituality

2) celebrative worship 3) practicality 4) social criticism 5) inclusive community Bernardo Campos re: Latin American Pentecostalism 1) spirituality

2) social protest 3) social change³ (208)

o

"From a communication stand point, it is having people as central that partially accounts for the success of the Pentecostal message."⁴ (209)

o

Pentecostalism as a popular movement communicates itself in a multicultural and popular way⁵ (209)

Pentecostalism as folk religion⁶ (210)

o

Pentecostalism built upon pre-colonial and Catholic concepts of faith being rooted in life and experience. "Therefore Latin American Pentecostalism re-injected sacredness and transcendence of the religious experience...not related to the official religion."⁷ (211)

o

from the culture Latin American Pentecostalism also take the importance of event. Celebrative worship and communal living. Critique from Protestants of syncretism due to the acceptance of cultural practices earlier protestants had rejected ⁸(211-213)

o

Pentecostal ritual field "is comprised ritual space, time, objects, sounds and language, identities or roles, and actions, behaviours and gestures which interact and overlap with each other...a drama "aimed toward an encounter" ...iconic dynamic...an interplay of ritual sounds, ritual sights, and kinesthetic. Fellow believers function as sacred icons....a feeling of solidarity arises among the participants creating a special ground for community, influencing the ways in which God is experienced." ⁹(214)

"personal narratives, create an ethos in communion with the Spirit in which the speaker and the audience become one, reinforcing communal participation and testimony as a peculiarity of Pentecostal liturgy."¹⁰ (217)

influence of Black spirituality¹¹ (218)

openness for the participation of women¹² (218)

1M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 207.

2M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

3M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

4M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 208.

5M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 209.

6M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 210.

7M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 211.

8M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 21–213.

9M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 214.

10M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 217.

11M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 218.

12M Matviuk, ' Latin American Pentecostal Growth: Culture, Orality and the Power of Testimonies', Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5:2, 205–222, 218.

Martin

points to the origin of the use of the market metaphor in Peter Berger's work ¹(62) claims that in the work of D. Martin the use of the market metaphor was as a metaphor, alongside other ones² (62)

claims that in her work with D. Martin:

"have found the market metaphor useful, even self-evident, though we have no systematic theoretical market model in mind and certainly do not mean to imply that the dynamic of religious growth can be comprehensively understood in economic terms alone." ³(63)

market as a normative aspect in modern society affecting religious institutions⁴ (63)

"In a world in which the creeping process of commodification affects all spheres of life, from finding a sexual partner to preserving physical fitness, religion is unlikely to escape the imposition of certain market disciplines and the infiltration of explicit market criteria.." ⁵(63)

"rather than regarding religion as always and everywhere a marketed commodity, perhaps we should be problematising its commodification in the contemporary world and making it a subject of our enquiries in its own right as Birgit Meyer suggests." ⁶(64)

problem of adopting rational choice theory from economics when in fact "Paradoxically,the way modern, or post-modern, consumer markets actually operate, may have more in common with the way religious (and other) identities are currently promoted than the model of economically rational choice in itself would suggest." ⁷(65)

"the main problem with rational choice theory as applied to the phenomenon of religious conversion is its privileging of the cognitive and the calculable in a sphere —Pentecostalism in the

present case—where quite other human values are in fact ontologically privileged."⁸ (65)

"it is a model that cannot help but carry a secular utilitarian and therefore reductionist implication that researchers in the field of religion should be explicitly aware of."⁹ (66)

criticizes Chesnut for doing a further reduction and bringing in Freud "to fill the gap left by the rational choice assumptions"¹⁰ (66) claims that this disrespects the accounts provided by religious practicioners themselves ¹¹(66)

"The use of the market metaphor in relation to the pattern of recent Pentecostal growth reinforces the apparent plausibility of certain politically negative and even openly hostile images of Pentecostalism as the ideological agent of global, that is American, capitalism in the developing world."¹² (67)

"the growth of Pentecostalism pre-dates the emergence of Catholic liberation theology which may have been promoted, in part at least, as a way of neutralising the appeal of Pentecostalism among the ‘popular classes’," ¹³(67)

"To employ the market model, especially in so literal a fashion as Chesnut and Gill do, is to give added weight to the ideological distaste which so many among the educated elites in Latin America and elsewhere express for Pentecostalism as just a function and symptom of the triumph of global capitalism; a ‘market faith’"¹⁴ (67)

"Nor should it be assumed that Neo-Pentecostal groups are uniquely ‘marketised’; yet the market metaphor tends to perpetuate such assumptions." ¹⁵(68)

"To argue that Pentecostalism, like Methodism before it, has the at-least-partly-unintended consequence of delivering economic betterment in conditions set by global capitalism is not the same as to argue that Pentecostalism is a kind of ideological fifth column for global capitalism and it is important to keep the distinction clear." ¹⁶(68)

"An important key to the appeal of Pentecostalism is its ability to take seriously the indigenous spiritist and shamanic traditions,"¹⁷ (69)

refers to a fusing of the black spiritual element in Pentecostal spirituality with indigenous and black elements of Latin American culture not wiped out by colonialization ¹⁸(69)

o

nonetheless market metaphor, like all metaphors useful for providing organizing categories as long as reification does not occur ¹⁹(69-70)

o

"This, of course, is the un-resolvable problem faced by pluralist polities; however much the state wants to separate itself from the religious sphere, it cannot give religious bodies carte blanche to do anything they believe their doctrines demand in any and all circumstances." ²⁰(70)

"My point is that the structures of the religious market, like those of the economic market, are seldom fully free. In most cases some religious bodies have more legal privileges than the others. Pentecostals ar every seldom found among the most privileged groups."²¹ (71)

suggests that Pentecostalism was in fact a force for the end of monopoly and the emergence of pluralism²². (71)

emphasises that culture also affects the way that religious pluralism emerges or is constrained, and that the American voluntarist culture is not a necessary outcome of the establishing of a legal framework for pluralism."²³ (72-73)

o

reflects on the usefulness of describing pastors as "entrepreneurs". Captures their ingenuity, creativity and multi-tasking. However, if taken economically may provide a distorted picture as in fact many pastors earn very little and often supplement their income with secular employment²⁴ (74-76)

o

against seeing practitioners as clients/customers argues:

(1) conversion is not a product offered by a pastor, but a process/experience managed by the convert him/herself²⁵ (77)

(2) no evidence that a convert pays the church for their conversion in fact financial contribution becomes more prominent after conversion²⁶(77-78)

(3) the crucial entity within a Pentecostal conversion story is not the atomised individual, but "the responsible member of a network of relationships." ²⁷(78)

(4) "The convert becomes an individual in a novel and liberating sense, named and claimed by God, rather than converting because he or, more often, she is already an individualised ‘consumer’ in the modern mould." ²⁸(79)

(5) Does violence to the converts self-understanding²⁹ (80)

(6) better explanations exist ³⁰(80-81)

(7) is dependent on American voluntarism ³¹(81-82)

o

points to the limitations of thinking in terms of marketing and market niches ³²82-86)

indicates certain areas of Pentecostal influence:

"a. The underclass and those attempting to survive in the ‘informal economy’...found and join the storefront churches...b. The respectable poor, characteristically found in the older and more established Pentecostal denominations....c. A new business class...The later 1980s and 1990s added a new layer of service sector entrepreneurs, especially in the media, entertainment

and information technology...d. A new post-industrial middle class employed in high-tech and service occupations... This sector is mobile, cosmopolitan, prosperous and confident. It is also very often concerned about the evident disintegration of family life and the destructive effects of drug and alcohol addiction...This sector is particularly found in the glossier mega-churches. e. An unknown, but probably large, population of second- and third generation Pentecostals who have experienced social and/or educational mobility that has partially estranged them from those features of their original church that reflect its lowly and (relatively) unlettered class assumptions and style. They are in search of people like themselves who are committed Pentecostals but who want to worship in an intellectual and aesthetic style consistent with their educational and professional modern identities." ³³(85-86)

factors influencing Pentecostal growth:

"a. Spiritual Culture; A still ‘enchanted’ or enspirited world;

The existence of popular spirit possession cults and practices;

A historically rooted tendency not to separate the dimensions of spiritual,

material and physical well-being;

The presence of some form of institutional Christianity.

b. Socio-Economic Conditions

A global economic system and global communications media;

Fast socio-economic change, including both the disintegration of traditional

frameworks and the emergence of new opportunities, often in

a paradoxical combination;

Mass movement of populations, both from rural to urban areas, notably

to the new mega-cities of the developing world, and from the developing

to the developed world, and back again;

The aftermath of war and civil war;

The existence of ethnically and/or economically and/or socially marginalized

groups and/or peripheries.

c. Individual and Personal Needs

Family problems, which tend to be the primary concern of women,

who constitute around two thirds of Pentecostals;

Health problems, including women’s traditional responsibility for the

health problems of the other family members;

Addictions, also seen as health problems;

Unemployment or irregular work;

Corruption, in society at large as well as in the workplace and community;

The violence and wastefulness of the culture of machismo;

The experience of marginalisation."³⁴ (88)

1B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 62.

2B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 62.

3B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 63.

4B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 63.

5B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 63.

6B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 64.

7B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 65.

8B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 65.

9B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 66.

10B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 66.

11B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 66.

12B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 67.

13B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 67.

14B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 67.

15B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 68.

16B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 68.

17B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 69.

18B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 69.

19B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 69–70.

20B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 70.

21B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 71.

22B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 71.

23B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 72–73.

24B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 74–76.

25B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 77.

26B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 77–78.

27B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 78.

28B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 79.

29B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 80.

30B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 80–81.

31B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 81–82.

32B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 82–86.

33B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 85–86.

34B Martin, 'Pentecostal Conversion And The Limits Of The Market Metaphor', Exchange 35:1 (2006), 61–91, 88.