"Whereas in the United States the predominant model was one of assimilation and integration, whereby immigrants and, especially, their descendants changed their identity, ‘became Americans’
and became spatially assimilated into their ‘host society’, in other countries multi-cultural models developed whereby immigrants became economically and politically assimilated into ‘mainstream’ society but retained their cultural identity. The latter may include a wish to live in particular neighbourhoods where sustaining their cultural distinctiveness may be easier. This has been the case recently in Britain, where multi-cultural policies have been pursued by successive governments."(12)
research suggesting low spatial segregation1 (12)
fear over the emergence of racial ghettoes and self-segregation2 (12-14)
"We can use this simple ‘balance of forces’ argument to present a simple model of segregation trends over time – where segregation is defined as the degree to which members of a group live apart from members of other groups and in areas where members of their own group dominate. In the early years after a group moves to a city, the level of ethnic concentration will increase. If, however, either in-migration Jdeclines or the degree of spatial assimilation becomes greater than that of in-migration (whereby members of the group, especially their descendants, leave the areas of concentration to live elsewhere in the city), then the level of concentration will fall: the proportion of members identifying with the ethnic group living in relatively segregated areas will decline. Only if assimilation is slow relative to the group’s growth (through either or both of natural increase and continued in-migration) will levels of concentration continue to increase." 3(16-17)
"on-White ethnic group: and only 2 per cent of those with dual ethnicities lived in the Type V areas. These patterns clearly confirm our expectations with regard to residential choices of those choosing single and dual ethnicities. The latter group are much more likely to live in areas where Whites either dominate or predominate than are their counterparts who claim a single non-white ethnicity. With assimilation – as indicated by the claim of a dual ethnicity – comes desegregation."4 (23)
recognises that this trend is not so significant in London but suggests that this might come down to (1) the greater preponderance on non-Whites in London (2) the desire to not move to far away from family5 (26-27) claims that the assimilation model is still working in England and Wales6 (28)
1R. Johnston, M. Poulsen & J. Forrest, ' Ethnic Residential Segregation and Assimilation in British Towns and Cities: a Comparison of those claiming Single and Dual Ethnic Identities', Migration Letters Volume 3 Issue 1 (April 2006), 11–30, 12.
2R. Johnston, M. Poulsen & J. Forrest, ' Ethnic Residential Segregation and Assimilation in British Towns and Cities: a Comparison of those claiming Single and Dual Ethnic Identities', Migration Letters Volume 3 Issue 1 (April 2006), 11–30, 12–14.
3R. Johnston, M. Poulsen & J. Forrest, ' Ethnic Residential Segregation and Assimilation in British Towns and Cities: a Comparison of those claiming Single and Dual Ethnic Identities', Migration Letters Volume 3 Issue 1 (April 2006), 11–30, 16–17.
4R. Johnston, M. Poulsen & J. Forrest, ' Ethnic Residential Segregation and Assimilation in British Towns and Cities: a Comparison of those claiming Single and Dual Ethnic Identities', Migration Letters Volume 3 Issue 1 (April 2006), 11–30, 23.
5R. Johnston, M. Poulsen & J. Forrest, ' Ethnic Residential Segregation and Assimilation in British Towns and Cities: a Comparison of those claiming Single and Dual Ethnic Identities', Migration Letters Volume 3 Issue 1 (April 2006), 11–30, 26–27.
6R. Johnston, M. Poulsen & J. Forrest, ' Ethnic Residential Segregation and Assimilation in British Towns and Cities: a Comparison of those claiming Single and Dual Ethnic Identities', Migration Letters Volume 3 Issue 1 (April 2006), 11–30, 28.
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