Levine

Catholics and Protestants have both set up networks of "small, socially homogeneous groups"¹ (11)

"informed, literate, and active participation that embraces person, family and community"² (11)

increased role of Bible and Christ relative to the saints and shrines³ (12)

CEBS both a Protestantization of Catholicism; as giving Protestantism greater legitimacy in certain Catholic circles⁴ (15-16)

"military leaders who saw themselves defending Christian civilization against godless communism felt betrayed by criticism from their own church" many turned to Protestants...⁵ (17)

advantages of Protestantism: 1) structural flexibility⁶ (18-19)

criticises claims that conversion to Protestantism is a "simple" solution emphasising both the difficulty of the experience and its empowering nature⁷ (20-21)

"Religious innovation in Latin America has been centred on a common agenda built around literacy, small and intense groups, flexible organization and emphasis on personal as well as communal responsibility."⁸ (23)

Liberation theology--> structural causes of poverty , Protestantism--> evil⁹ (23)

Protestantism---paradox between freedom to set up a new church, and the authority of the main leader¹⁰ (24)

Challenges the theory that conversion to Protestantism comes as a result of people looking for solace for the crises caused by transition from rural to urban society: Reasons: 1) both in rural and in urban areas it is the stable poor who are converting¹¹ (27) rural communities were never as harmonious as the theory suggests¹² (27) individuals arrive in cities with prior experience of urban areas and family and other connections¹³ (27) model is to static ignoring that not only do conditions change but churches change to ¹⁴(28) patronizing¹⁵(28-29) prefers to suggest that in the face of crises conversion is "a consciously chosen and highly prized avenue for change and self-fulfillment"¹⁶ (29-30)

critiques the idea that conversion is a loss of culture to foreign influence for viewing culture as static rather than as a human artifact¹⁷ (31)

points to cultural change being "promoted by hitherto marginal and powerless groups"¹⁸ (32)

Against non-political, solely cultural intepretations of Pentecostal growth in L. America (e.g. David Martin) points to the long-term political implications of Pentecostal growth and development¹⁹ (34-36)

L. America "the creation of new cultural understandings and social movements through religion is best understood not as a defense against change, but rather as a creative effort to reunderstand the world and reorganize person, family, and community to deal more effectively with it."²⁰ (37)

1DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 11.

2DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 11.

3DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 12.

4DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 15–16.

5DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 17.

6DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 18–19.

7DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 20–21.

8DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 23.

9DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 23.

10DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 24.

11DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 27.

12DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 27.

13DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 27.

14DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 28.

15DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 28–29.

16DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 29–30.

17DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 31.

18DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 32.

19DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 34–36.

20DH Levine, “Protestants and Catholics in Latin America: A Family Portrait,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 50:4 (1997) 10–42, 37.