Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)
Introduction
refers to the way many Pentecostal churches have had to Pentecostalise to survive in Brazil, e.g. Through the formation of “renovada” churches.1 (3)
admits that many churches have increased amongst the middle class but that the bulk of converts come from the poor.2 (3-4)
describes development of theories on Pentecostal growth from anomie caused by migration to ability to cope with Poverty (Mariz) or affliction in general (Burdick) to empowering and offering security to the victims of modernization (Martin).3 (4-5) Chesnut's theory relates the faith healing message of these churches and the impact of poverty related illnesses.4 (5-6)
claims that some of the first converts to the AoG were Belenenses stricken by tropical diseases.5 (9)
stats on inequality in Brazil.6 (15)
“Urbanization concentrated people in high-density spaces that sharpened both domestic and extradomestic conflict, particularly in favelas and baixadas...Many Pentecostal women, in fact, enter the church seeking a solution to their husbands' philandering.”7 (16)
In Belem, members of the Quadrangular earned twice as much as AoG. Socioeconomical ranking of churches, IEQ, IURD, AD (AoG), CC, BPC, DEA,8 (19)
IEQ, IURD: emphasis on running their own business.9 (21)
Limitation of rural-urban migration theory: 1) many were actually Pentecostals before coming to Belem 2) strong presence of AoG in rural areas.10(22)
“nonindigenous Latin American men have traditionally regarded religion as pertaining to the private female sphere of the home and family...devout Catholic and Umbanda men...are often suspected of being homosexual.”11 (23)
“Pentecostal Manichaeism demonizes the street, where many favelados... face the temptations of liquor and prostitution among others.”12 (24)

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

A Prophetic History
“With little access to the city's precarious health care facilities and neglected by the Catholic church, many ill Belenenses and their families came to the Assemblies of God as a last resort.”1 (28)
refers to trips made by Berg and Vingren to the Southeast and the change of HQ to RJ in 1930.2 (29)
Swedish leaders decision to nationalise the church in 1930.3 (30)
Although CC growth was faster in the earlier years it was also highly regionalised, whereas by 1940 AoG had spread to all states and territories.4 (31)
Persecution of Protestants in Vargas era; Neo-Christendom, stoning of churches but few lost their lives.5 (33)
National Evangelisation Crusade--> novelty; wide press coverage, collective healing sessions.6 (35) Followed by resistance from Pentecostal leaders so that Williams founded Crusade Church which then became IEQ.7 (36)
Use of sertanejo rhythms helped Manoel de Mello's success amongst Northeastern migrants.8 (37)
Exorcism a major feature of Deus e Amor church including calling upon evil spirits from Umbanda to be collectively exorcised by congregation.9 (38-39)
“Unlike the omnipresent Jesus and Holy Spirit of Pentecostal churches, the saints of popular Catholicism tend to be fixed to particular locales and do not travel easily.”10 (40)
claims that many Pentecostal leaders because women can use it to challenge the authority of the pastors.11 (43)
“Middle class Pentecostals in the Central Temple and larger churches had little tolerance for the rustic Portuguese of unlettered preachers.”12 (43)
prefers the term postmodern to neo-pentecostal as the latter does not allow one to distinguish between the modern BPC and IEQ and the IURD.13 (45)
claims that prosperity theology was imported from the US.14 (47) refers to a “five keys of prosperity change in an IEQ church.15 (178 note 18)

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

The Preconversion World of Illness
“Crentes divide their life history into three moments: preconversion, conversion and postconversion.”1 51
points to the fact that neither Catholicism, through its association with Carnival and feasts, and Umbanda with the consumption of liquor in terreiros offer much spiritual aid for the alcoholic.258
Refers to a “male prestige complex” expressed for example in sexual conquests.3 60
widespread nature of violence in Brazilian society “it is the violence of the street reproduced inside the walls of the house that sends shantytown dwellers, mainly women, in search of the peace of sanctuary.”4 62
note use of “postmodern Pentecostal churches” preferred to “neo-Pentecostal”.5 65
“Beyond the walls of the academy, atheism is a foreign concept in Brazil.”6 67
Utilitarian approach to religion in Brazil, “poor clients attach themselves to a divine patrão who provides protection and occasional miracles in exchange for ritual acts of sacrifice.”7 67 Pagar promessa: “supplicants promise to “pay” for the aid performing a ritual act of sacrifice, normally a procession or pilgrimage.”8 68
Pentecostal women who had previously gone to a terreiro usually went their searching for healing, men often also went searching for employment.9 70
“Umbanda provides no definite moral code by which followers should live. Similarly, the Catholic church, as a civil religion, fails to create a world apart, where believers can stand in opposition to a pathogenic society that robs them of their human potential and dignity.”10 71

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Conversion, Crises, Cure and Affliction
points to outreach by crentes as opposed to Catholic Church and Umbanda which expect people to come to them.1 75
main recruitment along family lines.2 77-78
claims healing (86.4 % of his informants experienced some form) plays a far more important role than speaking in tongues (46.8% of informants do it regularly).3 80
success of deliverance in IURD has led other churches to incorporate it.4 83
“Congregants [especially due to irregular marriage circumstances] constitute approximately 40 percent of all those who regularly attend worship services and participate in church activities.5 90

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Health Maintenance: Spiritual Ecstasy and Mutual Aid
importance of the experience of God's power.1 92-93
“Spiritual baptism provides a phenomenological bridge to the new faith for poor Brazilians familiar with spirit possession in African-Brazilian religion.”2 94
“In Latin American Pentecostalism...the Holy Spirit is a decidedly masculine being...penetrates the believer, injecting her with seminal power.”3 95
“the Holy Spirit operates as a sort of divine patron, offering protection in exchange for service and loyalty.”4 96
“The AD's organizational design, though centralized, has left the churches of the baixadas with sufficient autonomy to maintain the priesthood of all believers.”5 (98) contrast this with the more authoritarian nature of the “postmodern” Pentecostal churches [can they be postmodern, then?]6 (98) claims that in the latter, members become the beneficiaries, but not the practitioners of gifts which are concentrated in the leaders.7 (99)
Speaking in tongues, escape from speaking in a Portuguese which is ridiculed by the rest of society.8 (100)
Healing, beyond pastors is exercised by exceptionally devout women; status on pastor dependent on talent as healer.9 (102)
“So fundamental is music to Pentecostal liturgy in Brazil that it typically comprises two-thirds of the culto.”10 (102)
Significance of mutual aid in the church, often through informal networks rather than the institution.11 (104) Role as a job bank.12 (105) role of pastors as employment agents.13 (106)

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Ideology and Morality
points to the fact that a far greater rupture is demanded of a male who converts than from a female.1 (108) most significant impact on males of conversion is repudiation of vices and partying.2 110
“the Pentecostal household reallocates expenditures from the extradomestic to the domestic.”3 114
increase in caloric intake once the male head converts (in Belem)4 117
Tithe: movement from being a receiver to being a creditor/ empowered as a donor to the church.5 119
Women's role as wife and mother becomes “doing God's work”6 120
“Brega...is a type of saccharine music popular among the urban poor in Brazil. In popular usage, the middle and upper classes employ the term to denote anything that is “low class” or tacky.”7 180 note 2

Chesnut Born Again

RA Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty, (London: Rutgers University Press, 1997)

Authoritarian Assembly: Church Organization
“In its theological and musical training programs, bureaucratic division of labour and profound concern for civil status the AD now resembles its mainline brethren more than it does the independent Pentecostal denominations of the slums.”1 (129-130)
coins the term “participatory authoritarianism” to describe how despite much grass roots activities of members in lower level offices “the head of the church decides on important matters behind closed doors with a cabal of pastors.”2 130
How a Portuguese member of the AD in Belem returned to Portugal as a missionary in 1914.3 135
“The abundance of organizations at the congregational and intercongregational level provides seemingly limitless opportunities for active engagement in church life.”4 135
church provides many women with the first opportunity for extra domestic activity.5 137
breakdown of “usos e costumes” seen as an adulteration of the gospel by many older generation Assembleianos; particular concern in not being able to distinguish “crentes” from Catholics.6 (142)
Pentecostal Politics in Para
points to the “evangelico vota em evangelico” slogan.7 (154)
claims it is common for AD pastor-presidents to encourage their offspring to seek elected office.8 (160)
Conclusion
“apocalyptic discourse suffused Pentecostal preaching, but in the narratives of individual crentes, the Second Coming received scant attention compared to the trials and tribulations of their everyday lives.”9 (167)