Perspectives

R Winter, 'World Mission Survey', in R Winter, SC Hawthorne (eds), Perspectives on the World Christian Movement A Reader, revised edition, (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1992) B193–B212.

o

points to a sudden growth in interest in World Missions in Latin America in the 1980s¹ (B197-B198)

*

D McGavran, 'Today's Task, Opportunity and Imperative', in R Winter, SC Hawthorne (eds), Perspectives on the World Christian Movement A Reader, revised edition, (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1992) D3–D16.

o

claims that many Italian migrants to Brazil were ignored by those who simply focused on Portuguese-speaking Brazilians. Great growth was achieved by an Italian convert from Chicago.

"In general it may be said that responsive segments exist in many lands, but they are not always found by missionaries or national church leaders." ²(d-11)

1R Winter, 'World Mission Survey', in R Winter, SC Hawthorne (eds), Perspectives on the World Christian Movement A Reader, revised edition, (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1992) B193–B212, B197–B198.

2D McGavran, 'Today's Task, Opportunity and Imperative', in R Winter, SC Hawthorne (eds), Perspectives on the World Christian Movement A Reader, revised edition, (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1992) D3–D16, D11.

Marco,

"Evangelical Protestantism has almost certainly replaced Roman Catholicism as Brazil's most widely practiced faith. The significance of this goes beyond theology: The old Brazilian order, based upon a rigid hierarchy and social immobility, has broken down. A new social atmosphere, one more flexible and more compatible with capitalism and democracy, is emerginG Upwardly striving urban poor are encouraged by religious teachings and support groups that preach the power of individuals to change their lives through faith. This contrasts sharply with the old attitude of resignation to one's fate and a glorification of poverty. The potential is quite literally revolutionary--more so than Fidel Castro or Che Guevara could ever be."¹

o

"Brazil, whose population now exceeds 150 million and is growing by 3 million a year, is gripped today by a remarkable religious fervor that ignores the nation's Roman Catholic traditions and centers on an evangelical Protestantism."²

o

"The present wave of Pentecostal growth dates from the 1950s, when U.S. missionary groups channeled new energies into Latin America after the communists drove them from mainland China. The new churches prospered not by good works, as had Methodists and Presbyterians in previous missionary efforts, but by proselytizing in Brazil's mushrooming cities, and especially in the grinding poverty of the favelas.³

That's the striking thing about this phenomenon: It's a bottom-up thing, spreading spontaneously among the poor rather than coming down to them from privileged intellectuals. You don't find many churches in Ipanema, the posh stretch of Rio beachfront, or in Jardins, a Sao Paulo district with gleaming bank buildings and drive-through McDonald's restaurants that seems more like westside Los Angeles than South America. "⁴

"Will the spread of evangelical Protestantism lay the cultural foundation for the economic and social transformation of a society that is semicapitalist and semifeudal, as it did long ago in northern Europe? The possibility cannot be dismissed. The specific Pentecostal message focuses overwhelmingly on an individual's decision to accept Christ as personal savioR But with this message comes an emphasis on individual responsibility and sacrifice that is highly compatible with capitalism, free enterprise, a thoroughly decentralized society."⁵

1 J Marcoms, ‘ The fire down south’, Forbes 146 (15/10/1990), 56

2 J Marcoms, ‘ The fire down south’, Forbes 146 (15/10/1990), 56

3 J Marcoms, ‘ The fire down south’, Forbes 146 (15/10/1990), 56

4 J Marcoms, ‘ The fire down south’, Forbes 146 (15/10/1990), 56

5 J Marcoms, ‘ The fire down south’, Forbes 146 (15/10/1990), 56

Brinkerhoff

links the growing pentecostalism in Brazil and L. America with urbanization.¹ (43)

on mainline churches being considered evangelical in Brazil he links this with the fact that many of those missionaries who came to Brazil came from the more evangelical wing of these denominations. (²44)

indicates that protestant growth comes mainly at the expense of Catholicism ³(50)

social links and family networks shown to be of fundamental importance⁴ (50-51)

o

sees charismatic catholicism as a rival for Pentecostalism ⁵(58)

1 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55.

2 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55, 44.

3 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55, 50

4 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55, 50—51.

5 MB Brinkerhoff & RW Bibby, ‘Circulation of the saints in South America : a comparative study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24:1 (1985)), 39—55, 58.

Nelson

identifies 5 principles in the expansion of the Congregacao Crista do Brasil (1) Proximity (2) repudiates calculable rationality (3) uses existing structures and metaphors often derived from folk catholicism (4) exclusivity (5) congruence¹

1 R Nelson, ‘Five principles of indigenous church organization : lessons from a Brazilian Pentecostal church’, Missiology 17:1 (1989), 39—51

Yates Evangelical

"the U.S. is the primary source and symbol of most of what passes as “globalization” in the planetary popular imagination." ¹(66)

"the worldwide spread of a peculiarly American brand (in both origin and form) of Christianity— that is, Evangelical Protestantism."² (66)

"American-based, para-church, mission, and humanitarian organizations"³ (66)

"Although the evidence appears to support the claim that Evangelical Protestantism is a thoroughly indigenized global phenomenon, Western (predominantly American) missionary and para-church organizations, operating in a manner similar to that of multinational, non-governmental organizations and corporations, continue to constitute a primary source of material resources" ⁴(66)

"the centers of American Evangelicalism, while by no means the center of worldwide Evangelicalism, nevertheless continue to form the backbone of a transnational religious movement."⁵ (67)

o

"American Evangelicals as the vanguard of American military, economic, and cultural power across the planet" ⁶(70)

claims that tensions amongst different American corporations reflected in globalization ⁷(74)

"Promoting abroad many of the controversial issues American Evangelical organizations champion at home, they actively export social and political agendas regarding abortion, the family, sexuality, education, and the like." ⁸(75)

suggests that there is tension between evangelicals in humanitarian aid and those in mission work over the benefits of capitalism and technology ⁹(77-81)

o

o

"the quantifying, organizing, and evaluating techniques of social science not only provide the authority by which action is justified but also supply an idiom by which “the work” is accomplished on a day-to-day basis. The employment of the language and techniques of social science are as frequent among the Evangelical globalizers as among anyone else." ¹⁰(82)

refers to the use of the language of rights and needs by evangelical agencies. (84-85)¹¹

"Surprisingly, most Evangelical organizations express their mission and work in terms more typical of multinational corporations than religious organizations." ¹² (85)

"Another component of the market idiom appears in the frequent equation of the believer with consumeR"¹³ (86)

"The elites in the vanguard of globalization are aware of the historical heavy-handedness of American or Western organizations and are eager to temper both the image and reality of their work as a form of cultural imperialism. Balancing the moral appeal to universal rights and needs, then, is a tendency to indigenize their brands, organizational identities, and constituencies. It is here where we see a common recourse to an idiom rooted in multiculturalism, one that focuses on sensitivity to local cultures"¹⁴ (87)

"In attempting to fulfill the great biblical injunctive to “go into all the world” the American Evangelicals cannot help bestowing more than the teachings of their founder; they are carrying into the world an unintended gospel of modernity—the institutional and normative structure of the present world ordeR"¹⁵ (90)

1 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 66.

2 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 66.

3 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 66.

4 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 66.

5 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 67.

6 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 70.

7 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 74.

8 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 75.

9 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 77—81.

10 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 82.

11 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 84—85.

12 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 85.

13 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 86.

14 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 87.

15 J Yates, ‘American Evangelicals: The Overlooked Globalizers And Their Unintended Gospel Of Modernity’, Hedgehog Review 4:2 (2002) , 66—90, 90.

Escobar

P. Freire importance of paying attention to the culture of silence of the poorer classes¹

De Soto focus on the entrepreneurial skills of the poor² (84)

D. Martin and C. Mariz critique of Marxist analysis for being antipathetic to the religion of the poor and ignoring their role as agents³ (85-86)

Colonial period, conversionist impulse limited with a feudal order being established. RCC role based more on its dependence of the coercive power of the secular order, than on a close relationship between clergy and people.⁴ (87)

Dominant classes; understanding of Catholic orthodoxy, participated in colonial project of protecting it from Jewish or Protestant influences. Poorer classes, popular Catholicism, transplant of medieval folk Catholicism⁵ (87)

Syncretism, subversion of Catholic church, after violent repression failed, more accomodationist measures needed⁶ (88)

Subversive role of Jesuit reductions within colonial project ; seeking autonomy from feudal order⁷ (88-89)

Canudos interpreted as a rural folk Catholic revolt against the emerging modernizing trends⁸ (90-91)

Biblical translation as essential for Protestant mission, offshoot in literacy and education⁹ (97)

Ambiguos status of Adventists in terms of Protestantism and evangelicalism¹⁰ (97)

Pentecostal churches in Latin America entering into political alliances detrimental to their own development¹¹ (102)

1J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 83.

2J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 84.

3J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 85–86.

4J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 87.

5J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 87.

6J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 88.

7J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 88–89.

8J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 90–91.

9J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 97.

10J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 97.

11J. Samuel Escobar, “Religion and Social Change at the Grass Roots in Latin America”Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997), 81-103, 102.

Mariano

claims that for some neo-pentecostal churches ABRs have become the main enemy substituting the RCC¹

points to evangelical critiques of excessive demonology of IURD and others.²

R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br Fornecido por Joomla! Produzido em: 23 March, 2008.

Tendo em conta a estagnação numérica do protestantismo histórico, a perda de seu caráter modernizador e as profundas mudanças em curso no pentecostalismo, em especial a dessectarização e o abandono da rejeição ascética do mundo, questiono que tal "explosão protestante" (Martin, 1990) seja portadora de um conjunto de implicações modernizantes, similares às que teve a expansão protestante a partir do século XVI na Europa e, posteriormente, nos EUA, com potencial para transformar os valores, a cultura e a economia latino-americanos.³

claims that the more pentecostalism becomes adapted to Brazilian culture the less likely it is to change it.⁴

points that historical protestant growth between 1980-1991 >population growth and Catholic growth.⁵ Exception to this rule comes from the Baptist and Adventist churches.⁶

Claims also that Protestant churches are no longer seen as bringing modernity and democracy to Brazil, but critiqued for fundamentalism, excessive conservatism and a pietistic escapist ethic.⁷

Criticises those scholars who would present a direct link between reformation, Protestantism and pentecostalism in Brazil.⁸

“a pluralização do espectro cristão, ao expandir o mercado religioso, contexto no qual as religiões não

podem contar a priori com a submissão nem com a lealdade dos fiéis, implica secularização (Berger, 1985; Pierucci,1997a), racionalização das instituições religiosas e declínio do compromisso religioso.”⁹

o pentecostalismo tem de enfrentar a resistência da maioria da população brasileira a possuir e honrar compromissos religiosos duradouros junto a uma instituição religiosa, tradicional ou não . Quer dizer, tem de remar contra a crescente maré de secularização da sociedade, do comportamento e das consciências individuais. De modo que os limites para seu crescimento ultrapassam, e muito, a fronteira intra-religiosa. O que o obriga a competir numa luta inglória e acirrada pelo tempo, dinheiro, lealdade, participação e trabalho voluntário dos indivíduos com a esfera do lazer e do sexo, a indústria cultural, as associações civis não-religiosas, a militância sindical e em ONGs, a carreira profissional, os discursos científico e anticlerical, as ideologias políticas, as filosofias de vida alternativas, os sistemas de valores seculares, o consumismo, o hedonismo, o ceticismo, o ateísmo, além de todo o desinteresse e indiferença religiosos.”¹⁰

Tradicionalmente, como se vê, os pesquisadores observam pouca inovação social no pentecostalismo e o associam a aspectos negativos: alienação, conservadorismo, anti-intelectualismo, emocionalismo, sectarismo, caciquismo, caudilhismo.¹¹

claims that rather than retreat from the world neopentecostals seek to conquer it for Christ.¹²

“Por conta destas e de outras formas de inserção e acomodação à sociedade, cresce o número de conversões de indivíduos de classe média, de empresários e de uma variada gama de profissionais, entre eles atletas, artistas, modelos, cantores e políticos, os quais, antes dessa contextualização doutrinária e comportamental promovida pelos neopentecostais, teriam em muitos casos até de abandonar a carreira se quisessem ser batizados e prosseguir na nova fé numa igreja pentecostal tradicional”¹³

“Pesquisa feita pela Faculdade de Saúde Pública da USP com 390 familiares de menores internados na Fundação Estadual do Bem-Estar do Menor de São Paulo (Febem), entre março e junho de 1997, revelou que 44% dos pais dos infratores freqüentavam cultos evangélicos. Esta cifra é quase quatro vezes maior do que a representada pelos evangélicos na população brasileira, dado que sugere o insucesso (justamente

o oposto do esperado) dessas famílias crentes na socialização primária, na formação ética e na contenção de seus filhos da marginalidade social.” suggests as possible explanations (1) these parents go to church due to their problems (2) children are driven to crime due to repressive pentecostal parents (3) there is no connection¹⁴

claims that in politics Pentecostals tend to be characterised by conservatism, corporativism, clientilism and a right-wing agenda.¹⁵

1R Mariano, 'Neo-pentecostais: Sociologia do Novo Pentecostalismo no Brasil Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br Fornecido por Joomla! Produzido em: 23 March, 2008.

2R Mariano, 'Neo-pentecostais: Sociologia do Novo Pentecostalismo no Brasil Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br Fornecido por Joomla! Produzido em: 23 March, 2008.

3R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br : 23 March, 2008.

4R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

5R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

6R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

7R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

8R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

9R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

10R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

11R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 1) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

12R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 2) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

13R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 2) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

14R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 2) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

15R Mariano, 'O futuro não será protestante (Parte 2) Ejesus Homepage' available online http://www.ejesus.com.br 23 March, 2008.

Freston

pentecostalism replacing CEBs as the academically fashionable subject¹

1951 FSQ Church last foreign one to really take root in Brazil.²

despite the greater concentration of Pentecostal churches in poorer regions many gaps in macrosociology of Pentecostal churches. “The appeal of Pentecostalism is not univocal, and marginal differences in liturgy can meet subtly different social demands.”³

danger of scholars as treating as new, aspects which have previously appeared in Pentecostalism, thus postulating too strong a break.⁴

Reasons for fragmentation in Pentecostalism: 1) Influence from Protestant denominations 2) Brazilian tradition of lay Catholic brotherhoods and ABR religions 3) creation of socially homogeneous units 4) difficulty for churches to “update” encourages creation of new movements.⁵

Three waves of Pentecostalism1) Aog and Cong. Crist 2) 1950s -->new churches using new resources, LA based FSQ church, overtaken by the nationalistic Brazil para Cristo invasion into secular spaces such as cinema, stadiums, radios and even TV 3) third wave reaction to modernization crisis under military.⁶

“Although older groups can and do evolve over time, newer ones are freer to innovate...delving into the countries religious tradition...can be regarded positively as “contextualisation” or negatively as “syncretism”⁷

success of IURD linked to capacity to build a bridge between traditional/religious elements and modern/secular elements of Brazilian culture.⁸

Attempts to nuance the Pentecostal world and Freston's critique: 1) Bittencourt—distinction between Classical churches (American Missionary Origin) and Autonomous Churches. Critiqued as two main “classical churches” AoG (with a Swedish origin) and Cong. Crista (national church founded by Italian immigrants) do not fit the model. ⁹ 2) Mendonca, distinguishes between classical and divine healing, whereby the latter do not have a fixed community and operate a clientele system. Yet Deus e Amor placed in latter group though they have a very strict structure of church discipline. “The “clientele” model has limited utility. Only a small religious enterprise can be economically viable as long as it depends on a fluctuating clientele.”¹⁰

“For Brazil we need to make a clear distinction between the newer lower-class pentecostal churches, such as the Universal Church, and the middle-class charismatic churches such as Renascer em Cristo and the Comunidades Evangelicas....Charismaticism marked the arrival of Pentecostal phenomena in ample sectors of the middle-class....extreme social inequality, often creating a yawning cultural gap between Pentecostals and charismatics.”¹¹

Charismatic dissidents from historical churches less successful than expected-->flow from original denominations dried up as they accommodated Charismatic practices. Expansion into middle classes mainly from Charismatic “communities.”¹²

AP Oro's attempt to define Neo-Pentecostalism/ Freston's nuancing 1) autonomy from foreign control/ all churches of foreign origin now autonomous 2) leaders with personal charisma/ also present in Brazil para Cristo 3) isolation from the rest of the Christian world/ not significantly different in older Pentecostalism 4) demonization of ABRs/ also characterises older Pentecostal and even some historic churches 5) Giving, Prosperity Theology/ Also gaining ground in AoG 6) Use of mass media/ used by older pentecostal churches 7) Political involvement/Actually pioneered by Brazil para Cristo and later taken up by AoG.¹³

Prefers to see neo-pentecostalism as a vanguard, a new wave in Pentecostalism.¹⁴

Sees historical churches and Pentecostal churches as “ideal types at the two extremes of a continuum on which most real cases are a highly variable and creative mix...all denominations and individuals are in fact in constant movement along the continuum. ...towards a Pentecostalisation of historical Protestantism and a histrocisation of Pentecostalism.”¹⁵

Points out that para-church organisations, pan-Protestant representative entities and television programmes have blurred watertight denominational boundaries. As evangelicos become more socially visible, it is harder for denominations to remain in isolation.¹⁶

Focuses on the formation of a Lausanne-inspired AEVB, under Caio Fabio, in the wake of the scandals surrounding a revived CEB in the Constituinte. Unable to acquire hegemony of the AEVB Macedo/IURD form parallel institution with dissident AoG (Madureira). Power struggle for evangelical hegemony comes to a head with Globo attack on Macedo, when Caio Fabio takes side of Globo and denies evangelical status to IURD.¹⁷

1P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 145.

2P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 146.

3P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 146.

4P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 146.

5P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 147.

6P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 147–148.

7P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 148.

8P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 148.

9P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 149.

10P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 149.

11P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 150–151.

12P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 151.

13P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 152.

14P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 152.

15P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 152,

16P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 152.

17P Freston, “'Neo-Pentecostalism' in Brazil: Problems of Definition and the Struggle for Hegemony” Arch. De Sc. Soc. Des. Rel 105 (1999), 145–162, 153–160.

Ranger

ten-country public opinion survey of global pentecostalism conducted by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life in 2006 found that nearly half or more of all Protestants interviewed in Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, Nigeria, and Kenya were members of pentecostal churches, while more than a quarter of Protestants interviewed in South Africa, South Korea, Guatemala, and the Philippines were Protestant charismatics (i.e., people who identified with the pentecostal label or with pentecostal practice such as speaking in tongues but remained members of nonpentecostal churches). ¹

TO Ranger, T Cruz e Silva, “Evangelicals and Democracy in Mozambique” in TO Ranger, Evangelical Christianity and Democracy in Africa, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 161–189

points to the UCKG spreading in Mocambique through the use of schoolrooms, cinemas and hotel conference rooms.²

1TS Shah, “Preface” in TO Ranger, Evangelical Christianity and Democracy in Africa, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), i-xix, xi.

2TO Ranger, T Cruz e Silva, “Evangelicals and Democracy in Mozambique” in TO Ranger, Evangelical Christianity and Democracy in Africa, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 161–189, 163.

Roca

“money has always had a 'central value' in everyday religion in Brazil. Arguing that Brazilians despise money because of their Catholicism and 'personalism' can result in a certain bias in the interpretation of everyday religious practices.”¹

Emphasises that churches like IURD do not only have short term material goals but also a long-term strategy which is political. Seeking to “take over the nation and remake it to its own image.”²

“their objective is not only to sanctify their money, but to sanctify the country: appropriating money is a necessary step in the direction of transforming Brazil into a Christian nation.”³

Money has always had a central role in Brazilian religious traditions for these were shaped in “the context of world trade, colonialism and slavery.”⁴

“the Brazilian colony was based on the exploitation of slavery, the economic objectification of people, and the maximization of profits in trade. Before being a nation, Brazil was a market and a factory.”⁵

use of coin rituals in ABRs.⁶

practice of turning to the saints or to the orixas for financial help.⁷

Exu, works spells for money, but is not reliable as can turn against “employer” if someone else pays more.⁸

Brief summary of the Brazilian economic crises. Difficulty for many amongst the poor to get credit.⁹

Tries to offer a more nuanced perspective on finances in IURD and other neo-pentecostal churches than those who simply accuse it of being a religion of money:Key points: (1) tithes are neither a pure “gift” nor given in expectation of immediate return. Rather “what the believers are buying is time and space in the house of the Lord; the possibility of building a long term strategy for their lives; a perspective, a project, a structure, getting out of the vicious fluidity and ephemerality of fungible, 'living money'...they are not worshipping money, but trying to control its living force.”¹⁰

claims that a patronage system still exists but “the former patrons, saints and Orixás have been substituted by a higher patron, God.¹¹

claims that neopentecostal political project shares a common belief that they are able to control the power of living money and therefore regenerate the country.¹² disillusionement with churches may lead to return to former religious practices.¹³

1RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 320.

2RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 320.

3RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 321.

4RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 321–322.

5RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 322.

6RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 322.

7RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 323.

8RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 324.

9RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 325–329.

10RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 331.

11RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 332.

12RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 333.

13RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 334.

Woods et al

“other things being equal, children born to Protestant mothers are significantly more likely to survive the risks of childhood compared to children born to Catholic mothers.”¹

possible reasons (1) change in male behaviour and gender relations (2) social network.²

“the greater survival advantage among historical Protestants compared to Pentecostals may be the result of a number of factors, including the timing of religious conversion”³

“the absence of Pentecostal moral strictures may account for the observation...that there is no statistically significant relationship between membership in the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God and child mortality.”⁴

1CH Wood, P Williams K Chijiwa, “Protestantism and Child Mortality in Northeast Brazil, 2000” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 46:3 (2007), 405–416, 405.

2CH Wood, P Williams K Chijiwa, “Protestantism and Child Mortality in Northeast Brazil, 2000” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 46:3 (2007), 405–416, 406–407.

3CH Wood, P Williams K Chijiwa, “Protestantism and Child Mortality in Northeast Brazil, 2000” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 46:3 (2007), 405–416, 412.

4CH Wood, P Williams K Chijiwa, “Protestantism and Child Mortality in Northeast Brazil, 2000” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 46:3 (2007), 405–416, 412.

Oro

"Este texto versa sobre a inserção da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) na política nacional. Meu argumento é que o seu sucesso eleitoral, que aumenta a cada nova eleição, deve-se fundamentalmente à sua forma de organização eclesial carismática e centralizadora e à sua capacidade de trazer para o campo político importantes elementos práticos e simbólicos do campo religioso. Em decorrência disso, como veremos, o possível carisma pessoal dos candidatos a cargos políticos egressos da Igreja fica subordinado ao carisma institucional da própria Igreja."¹(97)

“m primeiro lugar, a IURD constitui uma organização em que ao mesmo tempo o seu fundador e a própria instituição são reconhecidos como portadores de carisma. Ou seja, é incontestável a autoridade carismática de Edir Macedo .... o carisma de função se mostra preeminente sobre o carisma pessoal dos candidatos a cargos eletivos indicados ou apoiados pela Igreja." ²(98)

"A IURD foi fundada no Rio de Janeiro em 1977 por Edir Macedo, um funcionário da loteria do Estado do Rio de Janeiro que até então tivera uma trajetória religiosa que o fizera passar do catolicismo para a umbanda e se converter ao protestantismo aos 18 anos de idade, na Igreja Nova Vida. Em 1975, fundou, com outros pastores, a Cruzada do Caminho Eterno e, dois anos mais tarde, com seu cunhado R. R. Soares, a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus." ³(99)

points to the importance of being indicated by the church for the electoral success of candidates⁴ (100-103)

importance of discourse of moralization and of spiritual warfare in legitimizing insertion into the political sphere ⁵(104-107)

"A conseqüência desse discurso é que para os fiéis iurdianos votar não constitui apenas um ato cívico e de cidadania. Ele é também concebido como um ato que preenche um sentido quase-religioso. Trata-se de um gesto de exorcismo do demônio que se encontra na política e de sua libertação para que ela seja ocupada por “pessoas tementes ao Senhor Jesus”, segundo a expressão de Bispo Rodrigues"⁶ (106)

1Ari Pedro Oro. "Organização eclesial e eficácia política O caso da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus." Civitas Volume 3 Issue 1 (2003), 97-109, 97.

2Ari Pedro Oro. "Organização eclesial e eficácia política O caso da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus." Civitas Volume 3 Issue 1 (2003), 97-109, 98.

3Ari Pedro Oro. "Organização eclesial e eficácia política O caso da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus." Civitas Volume 3 Issue 1 (2003), 97-109, 99.

4Ari Pedro Oro. "Organização eclesial e eficácia política O caso da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus." Civitas Volume 3 Issue 1 (2003), 97-109, 100–103.

5Ari Pedro Oro. "Organização eclesial e eficácia política O caso da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus." Civitas Volume 3 Issue 1 (2003), 97-109, 104–107.

6Ari Pedro Oro. "Organização eclesial e eficácia política O caso da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus." Civitas Volume 3 Issue 1 (2003), 97-109, 106.

Machado

Suggests that Pentecostal churches have left some of their stricter practices behind and have moved towards greater moral flexibility¹

“A adesão ao pentecostalismo representa uma ruptura com as expectativas sociais.”²

Male conversion to pentecostalism: 1) unemployment 2) financial difficulties 3) health problems. Female conversion usually tied up to family need.³

“o pentecostalismo combate a identidade masculina predominante na sociedade brasiliera, estimulando nos homens que aderem ao movimento as formas de conduta tradicionalmente alocadas ao gênero feminino...moral sexual rígida...preocupem com o bem-estar da família” ⁴

Pentecostalism and female autonomy: 1) greater moral authority 2) increased self-esteem 3) extra-domestic activities 4) social links 5) voluntary work. 6) especially with prosperity theology: encouraging women to work⁵ sees indirect influence of feminist ideas, as they become diffuse in society.⁶

Greater opening to women's ministry in both pentecostal and historical churches. Yet most women ministers become ministers because their husbands are also pastors.⁷

“atrelar a consagração das mulheres à concepção do ministério do casal foi a fórmula encontrada pelas lideranças de várias denominações para preservar a dependência feminina em relação aos homens.”⁸

notes that in IURD there is a large number of women obreiras, but few women pastors.⁹

explores the importance of feminine vote, and feminine candidates in evangelical/pentecostal politics.¹⁰

1M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 388.

2M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 388.

3M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 389.

4M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 389.

5M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 389–390.

6M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 390.

7M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 391.

8M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 392.

9M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 392.

10M Machado, “Representações e Relações de Gênero nos Grupos Pentecostais” Estudos Feministas 13[2]:256 (2005), 387-396, 392–394.

Matos

Provides a brief, non-analytical, history of Brazilian cross cultural missions.¹

1A Matos, “História das Missões na Igreja Brasileira do Século XX” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008

Silva

Claims that whilst in historical churches the issue of race is raised by leaders, in Pentecostal churches it is a grass roots movement.¹

Claims that in the 19^th century many missionaries tended to be in favour of slavery, many Christians avoided the subject and a small minority were in favour of abolition.²

Although accepted within Pentecostal churches, Black isolated from his cultural heritage.³

Claims there is racism in much teaching on inner healing, generational curses and spiritual warfare. Points to examples of racism in churches.⁴

1HF da Silva, “Movimento Negro nas igrejas evangélicas” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008

2HF da Silva, “Movimento Negro nas igrejas evangélicas” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008

3HF da Silva, “Movimento Negro nas igrejas evangélicas” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008

4HF da Silva, “Movimento Negro nas igrejas evangélicas” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008

Fonseca

Explores an evangelical new-age: 1) through the influence of prosperity theolgy and positive confession.¹ 2) Through the ministry of Renascer em Cristo, especially its focus on the business and executive classes (influenced by EH experience in this area) and the use of Lair-Ribeiro like neuro-linguistics.²

Note how Fonseca overprojects the “without religion category” suggesting 24 million by 2000 > than evangelicals.³

1AB Fonseca, Nova Era evangélica, Confissão Positiva e o crescimento dos sem religião” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008

2AB Fonseca, Nova Era evangélica, Confissão Positiva e o crescimento dos sem religião” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008

3AB Fonseca, Nova Era evangélica, Confissão Positiva e o crescimento dos sem religião” Ejesus Homepage available online at www.ejesus.com.br 25 March, 2008

Campos IURD

Talks about an anti-IURD coalition, inclusing the media, Catholic church, historical protestants and historical pentecostals, and ABR religions.¹

“a IURD é um movimento neopentecostal, que se propaga numa sociedade pluralista cujo campo religioso concorrencial e turbulento facilita o surgimento de entidades ágeis, sintonizadas com as necessidades e desejos de um público devidamente segmentado, formando assim o seu próprio mecardo, empregando para isso estratégias de marketing e de propaganda, que tomam corpo em uma retórica e teologia adaptáveis aos interesses de uma sociedade capitalista em processo de globalização.”²

refers to seasonal periods of religious change in Brazil 1) arrival of classical pentecostalism (1910) 2) neopentecostalism (1970) 3) growth of ABRs (1950-1960) 4) arrival of non-Christian religions (1980) 5) CCR (1990)³

IURD as a theatre: where members participate in an “espetáculo da fé” (Campos predates RR Soares' Show da Fe) movement from pastor-teacher or pastor-doctor to pastor-actor.⁴

IURD as a temple, in a world controlled by demons a place where they have no power. Refers to the use of sacred objects, links it to kardecist spiritism.⁵

IURD as a market where religious goods are sold.⁶

Role of social work and media in IURD's marketing.⁷

Spiritual warfare rhetoric, links to claims that IURD is being persecuted, ad hominem attacks on opponents.⁸

Four central aspects of IURD theology: 1) centrality of the body 2) exorcism 3) healing 4) success/prosperity.⁹

Difficulties for IURD: 1) Dependency on Macedo, training of new leaders and internal power disputes. 2) lack of organizational culture. 3) dependency on immigrants in first world countries. 4) difficulty in contextualising in Africa¹⁰

Financial resources centred in Sao Paulo, especially in the Banco Metropolitano de Credito which the church owns.¹¹

IURD: “acaba atraindo para si uma enorme quantidade de pessoas socialmente consideradas egoístas, hedonistas, calculistas e narcisistas.”¹²

1LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 356.

2LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 357.

3LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 358.

4LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 360–361.

5LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 361.

6LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 361–362.

7LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 363.

8LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 364.

9LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 364.

10LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 364–365.

11LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 366.

12LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, Um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e Seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie 1999, 355–367, 366.