Solomos

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Increase in concern over race and immigration in Britain, US and Europe in the last two decades. 1) “resurgence of racist social and political movements…partly because of the mobilisation of anti-immigrant sentiments.” Issue of new forms of migration, asylum seekers and refugees.¹

Refers to “the shifting tides of public opinion on such issues as religious differences, refugee and asylum policy, immigration and more recently illegal immigrants.”²

In Britain refers to “racialisation” in “employment, housing, education and alw and order.”³

Refers to Miles’ claim of a contradiction between “on the one hand the need of the capitalist world economy for the mobility of human beings, and on the other, the drawing of territorial boundaries and the construction of citizenship as a legal category which sets boundaries for human mobility.”⁴

Goldberg: movement from racism to racisms.⁵

“In numerical terms Irish migration to Britain over the past two centuries has been far greater than immigration by other groups. Yet there has been little direct state intervention to regulate immigration and settlement, particularly compared with the state's response to Jewish and black migrations.”⁶ liassez faire approach did not mean lack of hostility towards Irish immigrants.⁷

“images of the racial or cultural inferiority of the Irish were based not only on particular ideological constructions of the Irish but also on the definition of Englishness or Anglo-Saxon culture in terms of particular racial and cultural attributes. In later years such images of uniqueness and purity of Englishness were to prove equally important in political debates on black migration and settlement.”⁸

outlines the negative response to Jewish migration in the late 19^th and early 20^th century. Exemplified in the Alien Order Act which established the concept of “alien” and the tool of “deportation”. ⁹ re: threat of fascism “there was political reluctance to act decisevely to help Jewish refugees because of widespread anti-Semitism in British society.”¹⁰

Harris “a central theme of the debates on black communities during the interwar period was the supposed social problems to which their presence gave rise”¹¹

“early immigration legislation was concerned with the entry into Britain of people who by law were aliens, that is, non-British citizens.”¹²

“the two most common responses to black immigration and settlement in this period [interwar] were political debates on the need to control their arrival and calls for the repatriation of those who had already settled in Britain.”¹³

“immigration and race were contested issues long before the arrival of large numbers of black colonial immigrants from 1945.”¹⁴

1 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 3.

2 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 4.

3 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 7.

4 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 27

5 J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 30.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 38.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 39.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 39.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 40–44.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 44.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 44.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 45.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 47.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 48.

Solomos

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points to how an intrinsic connection has developed between immigration and black immigration and how “successive governments have attempted to regulate and eventually halt the arrival of black immigrants through immigration legislation and other means.”¹

immediately after the second World War most migration to Britain was temporal from Europe encouraged by government.² “even at this early stage black migration and settlement was perceived differently from European migration. Privately the government was considering the most desirable method of discouraging or preventing the arrival of 'coloured' British citizens from the colonies.”³ points to the fact that they had the legal right to enter Britain, confirmed in the British Nationality Act of 1948.⁴

“Throughout the period [1950s] an increasingly racialised debate on immigration took place, focusing on the supposed social problems of having too many black immigrants and the question of how they could be stopped from entering.”⁵

“from 1948 to 1962 the state was involved in a complex political and ideological racialisation of immigrantion policy.”⁶ “By 1952 Labour and Conservative governments had instituted a number of convert and sometimes illegal administrative measures to discourage black immigration.”⁷ “before and after the riots [1958] the question of control was integrated into the policy agenda.”⁸ sees this as the period in which the argument for the need of state intervention to slow down black immigration and the “social problems” it caused gained force.⁹

“the debates on black immigration during the 1950s reinforced a racialised construction of Britishness that excluded or included people on the ground of race, defined by colour”¹⁰

despite 1958 riots in Nottingham and Notting Hill being attacks on blacks they nonetheless used as examples of the dangers of “unrestricted immigration”.¹¹

racialisation of immigration done through a “coded language”¹²

rather than seeing the state as responding either to pressure from public opinion or “the economic interests of the capitalist class” defends that the state had an active role in shaping the racialisation of the immigration debate.¹³

interprets the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrans act as designed to target black immigration.¹⁴ points to the fact that the Labour Party did not sustain its opposition to the act and when in power produced an even stricter “white paper on immigration” which is seen as the convergance of Conservative and Labour views on the subject.¹⁵

Significant episodes 1) victory of an anti-Immigration Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths, in Smethwick in 1964.¹⁶ 2) the arrival of East African Asians from Kenya and Uganda and the Labour 1968 Act deliberately target at them.¹⁷ Powell –significant for the defence of compulsory repatriation and construction of the image of “white Britains becoming 'strangers' in their 'own country'¹⁸

1J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 48.

2J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 49–51.

3J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 51.

4J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 51.

5J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 52.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 52.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 52–53.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 53.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 53.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 54.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 54.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 56.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 56–57.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 57–59.

15J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 59.

16J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 59–60.

17J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 60–61.

18J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 61.

Solomos

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Significant episodes 1) victory of an anti-Immigration Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths, in Smethwick in 1964.¹ 2) the arrival of East African Asians from Kenya and Uganda and the Labour 1968 Act deliberately target at them.² Powell –significant for the defence of compulsory repatriation and construction of the image of “white Britains becoming 'strangers' in their 'own country'³

“In summary the decade 1961–1971 saw the introduction of three major pieces of legislation aimed largely at excluding black immigrants.”⁴

“Conservative Party [inc. Thatcher] chose to emphasise the supposed dangers posed to British social and cultural values by the black and ethnic minority people already settled in Britain.”⁵

Three main areas of Conservative action in government 1979–1997: 1) tightening of immigration controls 2) British nationality act 3) dealing with the issue of asylum seekers and refugees.⁶

1981 Nationality Act: created three kinds of ctizenship (British Citizen British Dependent Territories Citizen and British Overseas Citizen) effectively “enshrining racially discriminatory provisions [MacDonald and Blake]”⁷

black communities identified as the source of community problems.⁸

lack of concrete evidence in this period to substantiate claims of the nation being swamped.⁹

“In summary the Thatcher and Major eras can be seen as a time in which concerns about immigration, asylum seekers and refugees became entangled with wider preoccupations about the social and cultural impact of migrant communities, leading to the institutionalisation of an exclusionary framework that sought to restrict immigration.”¹⁰

Whilst in opposition discourse of Labour party developed to regard immigration laws as racist, and the need for firm laws which were “both non-racist and non-sexist.”¹¹

“illustrate New Labour's concern with being tough, and being seen to be tough, on immigration.”¹²

Describes the provisions of the 1999 Immigration and Asylum act as “draconion” particularly 1) the voucher scheme2) enforced dispersal 3) detention scheme 4) carrier's liability¹³

2000 Race Relations Act “exempted from its remit immigration and nationality decisions provided for in statutes or expressly required or authorised by ministers” ministers not allowed to discriminate based on race or colour but allowed based on ethnic and national origin.¹⁴

extension of detention facilities for families.¹⁵

concerning Hattersly's formula affirmed that “ the rationale behind this argument was never articulated clearly, but it was at least partly based on the idea that the fewer immigrants....there were, the easier it would be to integrate them into the English way of life and its social and cultural values.”¹⁶

1J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 59–60.

2J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 60–61.

3J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 61.

4J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 64.

5J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 64.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 64.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 65.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 66.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 66–67.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 68.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 69.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 71.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 72–73.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 74.

15J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 75.

16J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 81.

Solomos

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refers to the difference between direct discrimination and indirect discrimination.¹

“from the very earliest stages of the migration process a number of local authorities, pressure groups and individuals raised the question of the impact of immigration on their localities.”²

at a local level issues such as “housing, employment and social problems” are linked in popular perception to immigration.³

“[Powell's] emphasis on the social and cultural changes brought about by immigration helped to create or recreate an understanding of Englishness or Britishness that was based on the notion of shared history, customs and kinship, which effectively excluded black and ethnic minorities from membership”⁴ “From this perspective the loss of Britain's national identity was due to the failure of the nation to recognise the repercussions of immigration on the national culture.”⁵

New Right move from “nativism and anti-immigration “ to seeing “the very presence of black and ethnic minority communities...as a threat to the way of life and culture of white citizens.”⁶ minorities presented as an “enemy within”⁷

“In practice the most resonant themes in racial discourses were not absolute notions of racial superiority, but the threats that black and minority communities presented to the cultural, political and religious homogeneity of white British society.”⁸

Thatcher's concern for preserving the “British nation” and “British character” linked to Conservatives taking votes from the National Front.⁹

points to the way negative social and cultural attributes are linked with terms such as “refugees” and “economic migrants”¹⁰

points to the development of anti-antiracist attitudes amongst the right.¹¹

difficulty in developing “the acid test for who is and who is not English or British?”¹²

uncertainty over the meaning of Englishness or Britishness due to the changes national identity has been subjected to.¹³

British dilemma “of what kind of multicultural society it should become.”¹⁴

Tory dilemma of being part of Europe without losing British identity.¹⁵

“One of the trends that became clear during the 1980s and 1990s was the attempt to reinvent a British national identity in line with its historical image as an 'island race'”¹⁶ points to the role of the Rushdie affair in shaping this debate.¹⁷

“is clear that the debate on immigration was as much about perceived dangers to British national identity as it was about the potential number of immigrants.¹⁸

entaglement of the labour party in the debate on British/English identity.¹⁹

New Labour's attempt to balance expressions of patriotism with an embrace of mutliculturalism. After race riots in 2001 and 9/11 “there was a noticeable shift in political language on immigration and race relations.”²⁰ refers to Blunkett's suggestion of a “British test”.²¹ increasing unease at the boundaries of multiculturalism.²²

“rather than questioning and challenging the moral panic that has broken out over the question of refugees and asylum seekers New Labour has...added to it.”²³

Emphasis on “social cohesion” and “integration”²⁴

“Labour's time in power may come to be seen as a tragic missed opportunity to “think the unthinkable” and “do the undoable”.²⁵

1J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 84.

2J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 95.

3J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 96.

4J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 172.

5J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 173.

6J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

7J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

8J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 174.

9J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 177.

10J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 184.

11J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 187–189.

12J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 210.

13J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211.

14J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211.

15J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211–212.

16J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 212.

17J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 211–215.

18J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 218.

19J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 219.

20J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

21J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

22J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 220.

23J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 253.

24J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 254.

25J Solomos, Race and Racism in Britain, Third Edition, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 2003, 254,

Stone

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points to a schizophrenic policy of Labour (historically) on race (but applicable to immigration?)¹

refers to “bi-partisan political support for racial discrimination on the issue of entry into the United Kingdom.”²

1J Stone & H Lasus, “Immigration and ethnic relations in Britain and America” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 221–238, 223.

2J Stone & H Lasus, “Immigration and ethnic relations in Britain and America” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 221–238, 224.

Spencer

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S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95.

Quotes Roy Hattersley “Without integration, limitation is inexcusable; without limitation, integration is impossible.”¹

“The bi-partisan consensus that firm immigration control is the prerequisite of good race relations rests on the assumption that the hostility which some white people feel towards black and Asian people would be exacerbated if they believed that their entry into the country was not effectively controlled.”²

points to the way in which successive governments have failed to convince public opinion that immigration is under control, and the generally negative, and exaggerated, opinions regarding immigration in the general public.³

“Although it has become less socially acceptable to express negative views about black and Asian people within the United Kingdom, fewer inhibitions constrain expressions of such views about immigrants, foreigners, and, in recent years, refugees.”⁴

points to scholars (Jim Rose & Shamit Saggar) who suggest that politicians were responsible for fostering anti-immigration feeling with their emphasis on legislation.⁵

(writing in 1998) “Public fears that immigration is out of control are thus not justified. It has become increasingly difficult to enter the United Kingdom and numbers have fallen significantly over the last twenty years”.⁶

“the message sent to the public by immigration policy, that particular kinds of foreigners would not be welcome members of British society is in direct contradiction to the message relayed by government race relations policy- that existing members of minority communities in Britain should be accepted as equal members of society.”⁷ Quotes Roy Hattersley “if we cannot afford to let them in, those of them who are here already must be doing harm.”⁸

points to the way in which Immigration controls were targeted against Black and Asian immigrants.⁹ “In order to protect that legislation from challenge under the race discrimination legislation, immigrant law and its enforcement were and remain exempt from its provisions.”¹⁰

“It has been in the presentation of immigration policy that politicians have reinforced so forcefully the message that particular kinds of foreigners are unwelcome in the United Kingdom.”¹¹

points to the fact that after Thatcher's claim in 1978 that British people were afraid of being swamped by people from alien cultures a poll indicated that the number of people who considered immigration an urgent issue rose from 9% to 21%.¹²

“Once government decides to appease rather than assuage public concern, new measures have to be proposed to show that something is being done. Loopholes are identified, rule changes proposed, appeal rights abolished, time-limits shortened, defences removed.”¹³

“Post-war immigration to Britain has, it appears, contributed to a national identity crisis. Having lost its imperial, military, economic and sporting prowess, Britain is no longer confident of its role and cultural identity.” results in fear of the arrival of those with different customs.¹⁴ “There has been a clear resistance to updating Britain's self-image to accommodate the multicultural reality of British society and its history.”¹⁵

Against an open door policy points to 1) reality of strong fears of immigration 2) “Immigrants who settle in the United Kingdom must be entitled to the same civil, political, social and economic rights and benefits as other residents. To suggest otherwise would be to concede a future two-tier society of those who really belong and those who do not. Employment is not available to all who need it and social and economic rights...are expensive.”¹⁶

points to the Canadian declaration which is defined mainly in terms of positive goals and contrasts it with the “defensive, largely negative, tone of the United Kingdom's aims”¹⁷

“Let us reject, once and for all, the message of tolerance. Tolerance is what we feel for those whom we disapporve of, or dislike, but nevertheless feel obliged to be civil to.”¹⁸

1S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 74.

2S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 74.

3S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

4S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

5S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 75.

6S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

7S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

8S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77.

9S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 77–80.

10S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 78.

11S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

12S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

13S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 80.

14S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 83.

15S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 83.

16S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 84.

17S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 85.

18S Spencer, “The Impact of Immigration Policy on Race Relations” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 74–95, 90.

Modood

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“Ethnic minorities in Britain can no longer be said to “be at the bottom of the occupational and income scale.” description true of some but not all...in general “ethnic minorities are reversing the initial downward mobility produced by migration and racial discrimination in the early years of settlement in Britain.”¹

1Tariq Modood, “Ethnic diversity and racial disadvantage in employment” inT Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 53–73, 70.

Lester

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points to the rise of the ethnic minority population in the post WW2 period, especially in the 1950s and the need in the 1960s to adjust to the reality of a multiracial society.¹

“Britain's newcomers have rarely failed to make a positive contribution out of proportion to their numbers, in founding and rejuvenating business firms, in contributing to our national welfare and prosperity, and in enriching our universities and cultural centres.”²

points to the need to rethink the concept of Britishness in the light of ethnic minorities.³

Immigration measures, and Parliamentary and media response, weaken the endeavours of the CRE to end racial discrimination.⁴

1A Lester, “From Legislation to Integration: Twenty Years of the Race Relations Act” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 22–35, 23.

2A Lester, “From Legislation to Integration: Twenty Years of the Race Relations Act” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 22–35, 24.

3A Lester, “From Legislation to Integration: Twenty Years of the Race Relations Act” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 22–35, 28.

4A Lester, “From Legislation to Integration: Twenty Years of the Race Relations Act” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 22–35, 28.

Parekh

Society needs to balance the need of cohesion and a sense of belonging with the right of minority groups to preserve their way of life.¹

Proceduralist view of integration: state as culturally neutral, minorities left free to choose up to which point they wish to assimilate the majority culture.²

Assimilationist model: need for a “common national culture” “the state has both a right and a duty to ensure that its cultural minorities assimilate or merge into the prevailing national culture.”³ cultural assimilation--> biological assimilation through intermarriage--> nationalist assimilation.⁴

Bifurcationist/liberal model of integration: focuses on public and private divide, unity in the public realm, diversity allowed in the private. Sharing of a “common political culture.”⁵

Pluralist model: need for a realisation of the multicultural nature of society, state has the role to promote the culture of ethnic minority groups.⁶

Millet model state has no independent status but is rather a “union of communities, a bare framework within which they should be free to pursue their traditional ways of life and engage in necessary social, political and economic interactions.”⁷ state should respect the individuality of the communities and work to preserve them.⁸

“The five models also entail different conceptions of citizenship. In the proceduralist model citizenship is purely formal in nature and consists of certain rights and obligations. In the assimilationist model it is grounded in the national culture and requires the citizen to share it as a necessary precondition of full membership of the political community. In the bifurcationist model the citizen is committed to sharing the political culture of the community. In the pluralist model citizenship has a plural cultural basis, and citizens bring their diverse cultures to the public realm and enjoy a culturally mediated membership of the political community. The millet model privileges communal membership and has no, or only a highly attenuated, notion of citizenship.”⁹

claims that the proceduralist model is logically incoherent, for any concept of a state must be based on certain (cultural) values, and thus it is impossible for the state to be culturally neutral.¹⁰

Assimilation (1) not clear what one is to assimilate into (2) rarely works in practice (3) impossible for liberal societies as it breaks the principle of equal respect for persons who are “culturally embedded and derive their sense of identity and meaning from their cultures.”¹¹

Bifurcationist model (1) the “common” public values tend to represent the values of a certain, dominant group. (2) Discourse of public unity tends to outweigh discourse of private diversity¹²

Defends pluralist/multicultural model (1) “cherishes unity and diversity and privileges neither.”¹³public realm institutionalises and celebrates diversity.¹⁴

Critique of the millet model (1) freezes and isolates communities (2) ignores that individuals may belong to diverse communities.¹⁵

on post WW2 immigration “the consciousness of colour was imposed on the immigrants by white society for they did not define themselves in terms of it.”¹⁶ “Two interrelated factors were judged to stand in the way of good race relations, namely the number of immigrants and white society's discrimination against them...Successive governments therefore decided upon the interrelated and mutually legitimising policies of restricting black and Asian immigration and combating discrimination.”¹⁷

Issue of integration emerges in 1960s, beginning of discourse of multiculturalism. Note however, use of term “ethnic minorities” rather than “ethnic groups” as was the case in USA and Canada.¹⁸ Resistance of language by conservative commentators.¹⁹

conservatives preferred assimilationist model, liberals bifurcationist model.²⁰ both shared the consensus that the public realm was to be shaped by the dominant, white, culture.²¹

Explores the impact of the Rushdie affair on the debate including (1) the shift of many integrationists to assimilation (2) the emergence of the pluralist perspective (3) realisation of the need for minorities to become actors in the debate (4) issue that Britain also had a cultural problem.²²

1B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 1.

2B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 1–2.

3B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 2.

4B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 2.

5B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 2–3.

6B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 3.

7B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 4.

8B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 4.

9B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 5,

10B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 5–7.

11B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 7–8.

12B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 8–9.

13B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 9.

14B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 10.

15B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 11–12.

16B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 13–14.

17B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 14.

18B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 14–15.

19B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 15.

20B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 15..

21B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 17.

22B Parekh, “Integrating Minorities” in T Blackstone, B Parekh and P Sanders, Race Relations in Britain: a developing agenda, (London: Routledge, 1999) 1–21, 18–20.

Mason

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Points out that the concept of “ethnic difference” assumes a certain norm of Britishness. Adopting an assimilationist perspective, this then places the onus on the minorities for integration and blames them, at least in part, for existing inequalities.¹

“Race and ethnicity are modern concepts. They have their origins in the global expansion of European societies that gathered pace from the late fifteenth century onwards.” period of the emergence of modern science.²

in interacting with other human societies what most struck the Europeans, especially the English”were differences of physical appearances” especially “skin colour.”³

Military and technological advantage of Europeans concept of race appeared as part of the process of explaining the concept of “apparent European superiority.”⁴

with the lack of any scientific basis for race controversy over whether the term should be used in the social sciences, some believe that it should as people nonetheless act as if races exists, whilst others claim that the use of the term legitimises it. “Sociologically...race does not refer to categories of human beings...race is a social relationship in which structural positions, and social actions are ordered, justified, and explained...the social relationship race presumes the existence of racism.”⁵

“ethnicity is more of a matter of the processes in which boundaries are created and maintained between ethnic groups than it is of the internal content of the ethnic categories.”⁶ “Ethnicity is then situational...people have different ethnic identities in different situations.”⁷

points to the way in which for English people ethnicity is a characteristic of others. “English people are apt to consider themselves as individuals, while outsiders are seen as members of groups.”⁸

In Britain, term “ethnic minority” not applied to all minorities, and usually applied to those who are not “white”.⁹

“British population was the result of successive migrations from the earliest recorded history”¹⁰

points to the significance of Irish migration during the “Great Transformation” (Industrial Revolution).¹¹

decline in immigration in the period between the two wars “the deep recession experienced by Britain in common with much of the rest of the world meant that demand for labour was weak and the economic attractions of migration consequently limited.”¹²

1D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 2.

2D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 5.

3D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 5.

4D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 6.

5D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 7–8. quote page 8.

6D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 12.

7D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 13.

8D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 14.

9D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 15.

10D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 20.

11D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 20–21.

12D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 22.

Mason

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One aspect of immigration from the New Commonwealth was to aid the reconstruction process. Another was that in this period there “was a growing demand for skilled workers in emergent sectors” so that as British workers gained upward mobility gaps in “unskilled and routine semi-skilled jobs at the lower levels of the labour market” appeared especially in “declining industries where cheap labour was a substitute for capital investment or an alternative to collapse.”¹

1905 Aliens Act (essentially a response to Jewish migration) sought to manage the entry of foreigners although not vigorously applied “Its main significance lay in the fact that it represented a breach of the longstanding principle...that entry to Britain should be open”. Further legislation emerged with the imminence of the First World War which “gave the Home Secretary powers to exclude or deport those thought undesirable and introduced a requirement of registration with the police.”²

New Commonwealth immigrants occupied the least desirable jobs and housing.³ Social strains emerged.⁴

Voucher system established in the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act.⁵

Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1968, in introducing the principle of patriality to thrawrt the arrival of East African Asians had the unworded intention of discriminating according to colour.⁶

Work permit system established in the 1971 Immigration Act established “a practical limitation on their ability to challenge poor working conditions or to involve themselves in any kind of political or trade union activity.”⁷

1991 ethnic minorities at 3 million, 5.5% of the population.⁸ 4 million born outside of the UK.⁹

tendency for spatial concentration of ethnic minorities.¹⁰ See table by district.¹¹

“immigration controls introduced from 1962 onwards was increasingly to exclude potential migrants who were not white...colour other than white might arouse suspicions about citizenship status.”¹²

“attempts to prevent illegal entry have frequently extended beyond ports of entry, into the wider community....the subtle message received by many of Britain's minority ethnic citizens is that they are second class citizens.”¹³

1D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 23.

2D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 24.

3D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 26.

4D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 26.

5D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 26.

6D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 27.

7D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 28.

8D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 32–33.

9D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 37.

10D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 35.

11D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 36.

12D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 123.

13D Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Second Edition, Oxford Modern Britain Series, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 124.