“My overall sense was that the Brazilian missionary movement is moving into a new phase, beyond the initial enthusiasm of the 70’s and 80’s and the discoveries of the challenges of ministries in other cultures and often lack of adequate infrastructure and support of the 90’s, to some real contributions that can happen after 20-30 years in cross-cultural ministry, as some of these missionaries now have. Of course, the “former” two phases also continue to accompany the movement and will do so simultaneous to this newest phase.”1
T Carriker, “Latin American Missionaries” The Church in Mission: A Forum for Local Congregations in Mission Homepage available online at http://missional.info/?p=8 [Accessed July 31 2008].
Thursday 31 July 2008
Botelho Gigante
Despite the fact, referring to P Johnstone, that Brazil is the third country in sending missionaries, disputes P Wagner's claim that in 2010 Brazil will be the strongest missionary force. Attributes this to a lack of effective partnerships with Northern Churches.1 (1)
Claims that 3000 cross cultural missionaries is a negligible number considering the size of the Brazilian evangelical church.2 (3)
affirms that the divisions amongst missionary agencies weakens them, including producing decent publicity material. Particularly laments divisions between pentecostal/charismatics and historical evangelicals, the former underestimating the importance of cross cultural training and long term work, the latter underestimating prayer and spiritual warfare. (4)3
“Hoje os missionários latinos podem viver bem com cerca de um quinto do sustento requerido pelos missionários vindos do hemisfério Norte.” (5)4
lack of English language often an obstacle, especially in setting up international partnerships. (5-6)5
claims that in Brazil the average individual contribution to missions is R$ 1,30.6 (6)
complains about the resistance of Western Churches and agencies, especially in the US, of partnering with Brazilian churches.7 (7-9)
complains that Latin American innovative approaches get criticised for diverting from “traditional” Western approaches.8 (9-10)
critiques a cultural propensity of not being faithful to promises made. Points to research suggesting that only 5% of pledges are kept.9 (10)
“Há muitas igrejas interessadas em ver suas “extensões” nos países do hemisfério Norte, especialmente entre a comunidade de brasileiros que vivem como imigrantes nos países ricos.” 10(11)
complains about the way in which cross cultural missionaries are treated as less important than pastors, including their wages.11
points to the concentration of churches in Brazil in areas of greater financial prosperity and links this to a lack of interest in cross cultural mission.12
states that with the centralisation of power in Brazilian churches, president pastors tend to show little interest in supporting cross cultural mission.13
D Botelho, “Brasil: O Gigante Adormecido” Associação de Missões Transculturais Brasileiras Homepage available online at http://www.amtb.org.br/home/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=180&Itemid=38 [Accesses July 30 2008]
Claims that 3000 cross cultural missionaries is a negligible number considering the size of the Brazilian evangelical church.2 (3)
affirms that the divisions amongst missionary agencies weakens them, including producing decent publicity material. Particularly laments divisions between pentecostal/charismatics and historical evangelicals, the former underestimating the importance of cross cultural training and long term work, the latter underestimating prayer and spiritual warfare. (4)3
“Hoje os missionários latinos podem viver bem com cerca de um quinto do sustento requerido pelos missionários vindos do hemisfério Norte.” (5)4
lack of English language often an obstacle, especially in setting up international partnerships. (5-6)5
claims that in Brazil the average individual contribution to missions is R$ 1,30.6 (6)
complains about the resistance of Western Churches and agencies, especially in the US, of partnering with Brazilian churches.7 (7-9)
complains that Latin American innovative approaches get criticised for diverting from “traditional” Western approaches.8 (9-10)
critiques a cultural propensity of not being faithful to promises made. Points to research suggesting that only 5% of pledges are kept.9 (10)
“Há muitas igrejas interessadas em ver suas “extensões” nos países do hemisfério Norte, especialmente entre a comunidade de brasileiros que vivem como imigrantes nos países ricos.” 10(11)
complains about the way in which cross cultural missionaries are treated as less important than pastors, including their wages.11
points to the concentration of churches in Brazil in areas of greater financial prosperity and links this to a lack of interest in cross cultural mission.12
states that with the centralisation of power in Brazilian churches, president pastors tend to show little interest in supporting cross cultural mission.13
D Botelho, “Brasil: O Gigante Adormecido” Associação de Missões Transculturais Brasileiras Homepage available online at http://www.amtb.org.br/home/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=180&Itemid=38 [Accesses July 30 2008]
Wednesday 30 July 2008
Taylor too valuable
Points to the coming of age of Latin American missions in the 1987 Comiban meeting in Sao Paulo. (143)1
1995 1,764 cross cultural missionaries working overseas, average growth of 9% a year.2 (144)
economic stability linked with increase with sending missionaries.(144)3
Tendency of Brazilian missionaries to concentrate where they can speak Portuguese and Spanish.4 (144)
c.70% of missionaries sent by Brazilian agencies or churches.5 (145)
Only 18% of Brazilian agencies are Pentecostal, the others are traditional or interdenominational.6 (146)
points to financial difficulties, inadequate training, lack of commitment and personal and character issues amongst missionaries as the main causes of attrition.(which Limpic places at 7% a year; far away from popular claims of 15%)7 (149-150)
higher attrition amongst newer agencies.8 (150)
positive attitude towards support agencies provide for missionaries, with weakness in formal support and the education of missionary children.9 (151)
training for missionaries tends to be provided by agencies themselves.10 (152)
Points to the fact that from the start of the 20th century the Assemblies of God, Baptists and Presbyterians in Brazil have sought to share the gospel with other Latin American nations and Portugal.11 (183) Role of YWAM and other youth agencies in stimulating interest even further. (183)12
Candidates vary in social and educational background, but tend to be mainly young (184)13
Points to the role of the AMTB in setting standards for screening and sending missionaries, which are not always followed by all agencies.(186)14
Latin America, problem with an overemphasis on the visible and superficial. (188)15
Brazilian missionaries said to have problems taking Portuguese people seriously, and Portuguese often do not accept Brazilian workers.16 (188)
problem of loneliness and lack of extended family for many L. American missionaries. (189)17
refers to the role of the jeitinho in Brazilian culture and the conflict caused when Brazilian missionaries resort to this technique on the field.18 (213-214)
Oswaldo Prado: refers to missionaries returning broken, or refusing to return from mission field. (314)19
A Nasser: lack of preparation for Brazilian missionaries to work in teams, especially international ones. (316)20
Both Prado and Nasser refer to the problem of a lack of clarity in the roles of the sending church and the agency. (321)21
1995 1,764 cross cultural missionaries working overseas, average growth of 9% a year.2 (144)
economic stability linked with increase with sending missionaries.(144)3
Tendency of Brazilian missionaries to concentrate where they can speak Portuguese and Spanish.4 (144)
c.70% of missionaries sent by Brazilian agencies or churches.5 (145)
Only 18% of Brazilian agencies are Pentecostal, the others are traditional or interdenominational.6 (146)
points to financial difficulties, inadequate training, lack of commitment and personal and character issues amongst missionaries as the main causes of attrition.(which Limpic places at 7% a year; far away from popular claims of 15%)7 (149-150)
higher attrition amongst newer agencies.8 (150)
positive attitude towards support agencies provide for missionaries, with weakness in formal support and the education of missionary children.9 (151)
training for missionaries tends to be provided by agencies themselves.10 (152)
Points to the fact that from the start of the 20th century the Assemblies of God, Baptists and Presbyterians in Brazil have sought to share the gospel with other Latin American nations and Portugal.11 (183) Role of YWAM and other youth agencies in stimulating interest even further. (183)12
Candidates vary in social and educational background, but tend to be mainly young (184)13
Points to the role of the AMTB in setting standards for screening and sending missionaries, which are not always followed by all agencies.(186)14
Latin America, problem with an overemphasis on the visible and superficial. (188)15
Brazilian missionaries said to have problems taking Portuguese people seriously, and Portuguese often do not accept Brazilian workers.16 (188)
problem of loneliness and lack of extended family for many L. American missionaries. (189)17
refers to the role of the jeitinho in Brazilian culture and the conflict caused when Brazilian missionaries resort to this technique on the field.18 (213-214)
Oswaldo Prado: refers to missionaries returning broken, or refusing to return from mission field. (314)19
A Nasser: lack of preparation for Brazilian missionaries to work in teams, especially international ones. (316)20
Both Prado and Nasser refer to the problem of a lack of clarity in the roles of the sending church and the agency. (321)21
Wednesday 23 July 2008
Campos expansao iurd
Dates expansion to Paraguay to 1985, USA 1987 quotes VEJA referring to it as the largest Brazilian multinational1 (355)
Refers to an anti-IURD coalision consisting of the catholic church, other evangelical and even pentecostal denominations; ABR religions and cultural and political actors.2 (356)
points to seasonal periods of religious change in Brazil including 1910—Pentecostal 1970 neoPentecostal 1950-1960 ABR religions 1980 non-Christian religions 1990 CCR3 (358)
describes IURD style neoPentecostalism as (1) a theatre, where the dramatic is emphasised (2) a temple –a safe place in a world inhabited by demons (does LSC get fanciful here?) (3) Market where symbolic goods are marketed according to the needs of religious consumers.4 (360-362)
Sees four main pillars of IURD theology: 1) centrality of the body 2) exorcism 3) healing 4) material success.5 (364)
sees origin of prosperity theology in the USA, links to a consumer ethic.6 (364-365)
points to the difficulty of the IURD in reaching beyond immigrants, often illegals, in First World Countries.7 (365)
In Africa, problem with paulista and carioca missionaries, greater success with NE (especially baianos)8 (366)
unflattering description of those who go to IURD9 (366)
defence of protection for “consumers of religious services.”10 (367)
LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie (1999), 355–367.
Refers to an anti-IURD coalision consisting of the catholic church, other evangelical and even pentecostal denominations; ABR religions and cultural and political actors.2 (356)
points to seasonal periods of religious change in Brazil including 1910—Pentecostal 1970 neoPentecostal 1950-1960 ABR religions 1980 non-Christian religions 1990 CCR3 (358)
describes IURD style neoPentecostalism as (1) a theatre, where the dramatic is emphasised (2) a temple –a safe place in a world inhabited by demons (does LSC get fanciful here?) (3) Market where symbolic goods are marketed according to the needs of religious consumers.4 (360-362)
Sees four main pillars of IURD theology: 1) centrality of the body 2) exorcism 3) healing 4) material success.5 (364)
sees origin of prosperity theology in the USA, links to a consumer ethic.6 (364-365)
points to the difficulty of the IURD in reaching beyond immigrants, often illegals, in First World Countries.7 (365)
In Africa, problem with paulista and carioca missionaries, greater success with NE (especially baianos)8 (366)
unflattering description of those who go to IURD9 (366)
defence of protection for “consumers of religious services.”10 (367)
LS Campos, “A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, um Empreendimento Religioso Atual e seus Modos de Expansão” Lusotopie (1999), 355–367.
Silva Sagracao
Neo-Pentecostal churches seen to challenge followers to engage in war against misfortune, and poverty.1 (15)
emphasis on the fact that from the perspective of the believer, the desire is to give money, not to buy something. Hence suggests money as a means of establishing a bond to establish relationships.2(17) However, giving tied primarily to money.3 (109)
IIGD: presents money as a means whereby one can unblock what is obstructing God's blessing.4 (25)
offering cannot be given in any manner, as a means of establishing a relationship it is important that sacrifice and recognition play their role.5 (27)
Points that in neo-Pentecostal services, money is seen as a tool that God can use, and to give is a sacrifice. Claims that it is contradictory to regard NEP as a market religion.6 (73)
Money offered seen to have two roles 1) help God's work to progress 2) as a sacrifice go to God's thrown and untie the financial life of the giver.7 (75)
tithe seen as an expression of the confidence of the believer in the church and in God.8 (103)
Emphasises the social nature of money in NEP churches. Collective nature of participating in a commonly accepted symbol.9 (104) Social recognition that comes from the act of giving.10 (107)
Sees prosperity theology as the basis for the ideology and the creativity of NEP churches.11 (132)
Life in the church as an agreement with God; in which God promises prosperity; tithe the first condition to be maintained.12 (133)
points to the wide open spaces o f a IIGD church which is continuously open.13 (139)
note reference to Malachi passage re: tithe, but does not recognise that it's use goes beyond NEP churches.14 (143)
points to the use of paid religious healing services in popular Catholicism.15 (146 note 88)
points to the way that in the IIGD teaching is that the quality of the offering is not always related to the quantity.16 (147-148) Condemnation of the “toma la, da ca,” mentality (but Silva does not suggest this as an anti-IURD polemic) denial of any form of bargaining.17 (150)
free hermeneutic preferred to rational/systematic theology18 (159)
IIGD, many had left IURD due to the way pastors in the latter ask for money.19 (174 note 106)
DE da Silva, A Sagração do Dinheiro no NeoPentecostalismo: Religião e Interesse à Luz do Sistema da Dádiva, Doctoral Dissertation, (Recife: Universidade Federal do Pernambuco, 2006)
emphasis on the fact that from the perspective of the believer, the desire is to give money, not to buy something. Hence suggests money as a means of establishing a bond to establish relationships.2(17) However, giving tied primarily to money.3 (109)
IIGD: presents money as a means whereby one can unblock what is obstructing God's blessing.4 (25)
offering cannot be given in any manner, as a means of establishing a relationship it is important that sacrifice and recognition play their role.5 (27)
Points that in neo-Pentecostal services, money is seen as a tool that God can use, and to give is a sacrifice. Claims that it is contradictory to regard NEP as a market religion.6 (73)
Money offered seen to have two roles 1) help God's work to progress 2) as a sacrifice go to God's thrown and untie the financial life of the giver.7 (75)
tithe seen as an expression of the confidence of the believer in the church and in God.8 (103)
Emphasises the social nature of money in NEP churches. Collective nature of participating in a commonly accepted symbol.9 (104) Social recognition that comes from the act of giving.10 (107)
Sees prosperity theology as the basis for the ideology and the creativity of NEP churches.11 (132)
Life in the church as an agreement with God; in which God promises prosperity; tithe the first condition to be maintained.12 (133)
points to the wide open spaces o f a IIGD church which is continuously open.13 (139)
note reference to Malachi passage re: tithe, but does not recognise that it's use goes beyond NEP churches.14 (143)
points to the use of paid religious healing services in popular Catholicism.15 (146 note 88)
points to the way that in the IIGD teaching is that the quality of the offering is not always related to the quantity.16 (147-148) Condemnation of the “toma la, da ca,” mentality (but Silva does not suggest this as an anti-IURD polemic) denial of any form of bargaining.17 (150)
free hermeneutic preferred to rational/systematic theology18 (159)
IIGD, many had left IURD due to the way pastors in the latter ask for money.19 (174 note 106)
DE da Silva, A Sagração do Dinheiro no NeoPentecostalismo: Religião e Interesse à Luz do Sistema da Dádiva, Doctoral Dissertation, (Recife: Universidade Federal do Pernambuco, 2006)
Drogus
CA Drogus, “Religious Change and Women's Status in Latin America: A Comparison of Catholic Base Communities and Pentecostal Churches” Kellogg Institute of International Studies Working Paper 205, University of Notre Dame Homepage available online at http://www.nd.edu/~kellogg/publications/workingpapers/WP201_210.shtml [Accessed July 23 2008]
Husbands only support wife's activities in LA outside the home if they are religious, hence religojn allows women to “expand their extra-domestic duties.”1
Pentecostal churches provide women with a higher arbitrer to whom they can appeal in case of domestic disputes.2
Disagrees with Burdick claiming that domestic issues are discussed in CEBs, however recognises that some issues, such as adultery and alcoholism, are not raised in public.3 Nonetheless, dominant ethos in CEBs focuses on liberation theology rather than personal and family morality.4
“the class emphasis of liberation theology often leads to a neglect of specific problems suffered by women.”5
Female Leadership in Pentecostal churches, through becoming faith healers, and power over the finances of the women's group.6
Pentecostal churches: women try to capture a high share of male income for family sustenance; greater private role for men.7
CEBs may lead to greater domestic conflict as it emphasises public role of women.8
C. Mariz “Pentecostals... bring men into the private sphere, while CEBs politicise women and bring them into the public sphere.”9
Husbands only support wife's activities in LA outside the home if they are religious, hence religojn allows women to “expand their extra-domestic duties.”1
Pentecostal churches provide women with a higher arbitrer to whom they can appeal in case of domestic disputes.2
Disagrees with Burdick claiming that domestic issues are discussed in CEBs, however recognises that some issues, such as adultery and alcoholism, are not raised in public.3 Nonetheless, dominant ethos in CEBs focuses on liberation theology rather than personal and family morality.4
“the class emphasis of liberation theology often leads to a neglect of specific problems suffered by women.”5
Female Leadership in Pentecostal churches, through becoming faith healers, and power over the finances of the women's group.6
Pentecostal churches: women try to capture a high share of male income for family sustenance; greater private role for men.7
CEBs may lead to greater domestic conflict as it emphasises public role of women.8
C. Mariz “Pentecostals... bring men into the private sphere, while CEBs politicise women and bring them into the public sphere.”9
Tuesday 22 July 2008
Salgado
Points to psychological and emotional damages in encontros (3)
belief in instant santification (4)
JM Salgado, “Dessacralizando a ‘Visão’” Faculdade Teológica Batista de São Paulo Homepage available online at http://www.teologica.br/theo_new/files/DessacralizandoVisaoG12_IoshuaP.PDF [Accessed July 12 2008]
belief in instant santification (4)
JM Salgado, “Dessacralizando a ‘Visão’” Faculdade Teológica Batista de São Paulo Homepage available online at http://www.teologica.br/theo_new/files/DessacralizandoVisaoG12_IoshuaP.PDF [Accessed July 12 2008]
Monday 21 July 2008
Yamabuchi
Points to the 4SQ Gospel church as the first Brazilian denomination to officially adopt G-121 (3)
points to Kenneth Hagin and Peter Wagner as theological influences.2 (5)
salvation only seen to be guaranteed if it is achieved through the “Encontros.”3 (6)
those who adopt the vision tend to satanize those who oppose them, seeing in G-12 the only valid vision.4 (9)
A Yamabuchi, “Uma análise do Movimento G-12: reflexes de um pastor batista” Faculdade Teológica Batista de São Paulo Homepage available online at http://www.teologica.br/theo_new/pagina.php?p=artigos.php [Accessed July 12 2008],
points to Kenneth Hagin and Peter Wagner as theological influences.2 (5)
salvation only seen to be guaranteed if it is achieved through the “Encontros.”3 (6)
those who adopt the vision tend to satanize those who oppose them, seeing in G-12 the only valid vision.4 (9)
A Yamabuchi, “Uma análise do Movimento G-12: reflexes de um pastor batista” Faculdade Teológica Batista de São Paulo Homepage available online at http://www.teologica.br/theo_new/pagina.php?p=artigos.php [Accessed July 12 2008],
Expresses surprise at the spread of the movement, and the use of psychological tools in the encontros.#
Points to Valnice Milhomens and Rene Terra Nova as the one's responsible for introducing G-12 to Brazil.#
points to the fact that members of a G-12 cell can also be members of other churches allowing G012 leaders to exert influence, even control, over other churches.#
points to the centrality of prophecy and visions within G-12 even when related to practical decisions such as marriage...referred to as transcendental decisions...authority of the leader not to be questioned.#
Leaders seen to have divine authority, esp. Valnice Milhomens who refers to herself as a “spiritual authority” and as able to release the power of the Holy Spirit.#
A Christian is seen to still come under the dominion of Satan, and this requires inner healing to be broken.#
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
Points to Valnice Milhomens and Rene Terra Nova as the one's responsible for introducing G-12 to Brazil.#
points to the fact that members of a G-12 cell can also be members of other churches allowing G012 leaders to exert influence, even control, over other churches.#
points to the centrality of prophecy and visions within G-12 even when related to practical decisions such as marriage...referred to as transcendental decisions...authority of the leader not to be questioned.#
Leaders seen to have divine authority, esp. Valnice Milhomens who refers to herself as a “spiritual authority” and as able to release the power of the Holy Spirit.#
A Christian is seen to still come under the dominion of Satan, and this requires inner healing to be broken.#
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
# JC Batista, “Movimento G-12: Uma Nova Reforma ou Velha Heresia” Fides Reformata 5:1 (2000) avaliable online at http://www.mackenzie.br/jan-jun_2000.html [Accessed July 20 2008]
Hamman: Tacking Stock
“most Pentecostal churches are easily formed and do not have to register at any central location or even keep track of their membership numbers.”1
refers to an “Enlightenment prejudice” in the understudy of Pentecostalism.2
Historical evangelicals influential due to support for education, human rights and health care, and willingness to work with progressive Catholics.3
Neo-Pentecostalism: prevalent in urban areas and among the middle and upper classes.4
theology of Pentecostals based on personal experience rather than doctrine.5
Refers to Chesnuts reference to the significance of faith healing in conversion to Pentecostalism.6
“In the Pentecostal churches, a place is provided for women to pool their meager resources, share child-care needs, support each other financially and emotionally during emergencies and, in many cases, raise their standard of living.”7
notes the limitations between comparing between Pentecostalism and lesser participatory forms of Catholicism.8
Pentecostalism as a women's movement: working together to resist Catholic religious hegemony and to oppose poverty and machismo.9
1AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 171.
2AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 172.
3AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 172.
4AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 173.
5AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 173.
6AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 174.
7AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 176.
8AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 179.
9AM Hallum, “Taking Stock and Building Bridges: Feminism, Women's Movements and Pentecostalism in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 38:1 (2003) 169–186, 182.
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