Roca

“money has always had a 'central value' in everyday religion in Brazil. Arguing that Brazilians despise money because of their Catholicism and 'personalism' can result in a certain bias in the interpretation of everyday religious practices.”¹

Emphasises that churches like IURD do not only have short term material goals but also a long-term strategy which is political. Seeking to “take over the nation and remake it to its own image.”²

“their objective is not only to sanctify their money, but to sanctify the country: appropriating money is a necessary step in the direction of transforming Brazil into a Christian nation.”³

Money has always had a central role in Brazilian religious traditions for these were shaped in “the context of world trade, colonialism and slavery.”⁴

“the Brazilian colony was based on the exploitation of slavery, the economic objectification of people, and the maximization of profits in trade. Before being a nation, Brazil was a market and a factory.”⁵

use of coin rituals in ABRs.⁶

practice of turning to the saints or to the orixas for financial help.⁷

Exu, works spells for money, but is not reliable as can turn against “employer” if someone else pays more.⁸

Brief summary of the Brazilian economic crises. Difficulty for many amongst the poor to get credit.⁹

Tries to offer a more nuanced perspective on finances in IURD and other neo-pentecostal churches than those who simply accuse it of being a religion of money:Key points: (1) tithes are neither a pure “gift” nor given in expectation of immediate return. Rather “what the believers are buying is time and space in the house of the Lord; the possibility of building a long term strategy for their lives; a perspective, a project, a structure, getting out of the vicious fluidity and ephemerality of fungible, 'living money'...they are not worshipping money, but trying to control its living force.”¹⁰

claims that a patronage system still exists but “the former patrons, saints and Orixás have been substituted by a higher patron, God.¹¹

claims that neopentecostal political project shares a common belief that they are able to control the power of living money and therefore regenerate the country.¹² disillusionement with churches may lead to return to former religious practices.¹³

1RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 320.

2RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 320.

3RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 321.

4RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 321–322.

5RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 322.

6RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 322.

7RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 323.

8RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 324.

9RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 325–329.

10RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 331.

11RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 332.

12RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 333.

13RS Roca, “ 'Dinheiro Vivo' Money and Religion in Brazil” Critique of Anthropology 27:3 (2007), 319–339, 334.